Dalit-Bahujan angle makes Kaala one-of-its-kind film

Very few would accept that cinema is a creative art form. Filmmaking is an essential attribute of the modern capitalist development that attracts huge investments. A big budgeted film in association with a mega super star needs great attention by the consumer audiences so that investors can make big profits. Only a good mass entertaining film can guarantee a commercial success. Kaala, in its narrative form, appears as a typical commercial flick made for mass entertainment. It is a story of a mainstream legendary fighter that leads the poor people against the precarious actualities of urban life and the evil design of political elites. What make it distinct and disruptive are its radical content, revolutionary language and alternative social symbolism. For the first time a mainstream film is presented to the audience with a ‘Dalit-Bahujan’ perspective.

Probably, this is the reason for its early departure from the cinema halls. The audience is not yet ready for such radical break in the narrative style of cinema. Our minds are still crafted for ‘mindless entertainment’ and for not for an intelligent, socially rooted, politically vibrant film. A grand success to such film would have disturbed the cinema pundits in their routine jobs. It is in the interests of the dominant social elites of the film industry that films like Kaala must fail at the box office. It secures their hegemony over the instrument of cinema and keeps the audience bewitched with irrational content.

Kaala is crafted as a ‘masala’ entertainer. It has all the possible ingredients of a popular cinema, plus an extra spice of Rajnikant, the Super Star added in it. But that is at the periphery as at the core it wishes to do something else. The film categorically subverts the given genre of popular cinema, breaks down borders and experiments with the narrative style of mainstream cinema. What makes the film distinct is its subaltern political ideology. The director, Pa Ranjith, further redefines the giant stature of Rajnikant as the new leader of the struggling masses and makes him ready for the actual politics. Thus it has a vision that counters the conventional praxis of cinema making. Importantly, along with populist entertainment, it proposes an ideological engagement with social realities.

Kaala is an epic retold in contemporary context of Mumbai. Kaala (Rajnikant) is the ‘Bhai’ of Dharavi, who safeguards his citadel with a private army and die-hard disciples. He is also a family man with a loving wife, four children and many grand children living in the same house. He is an unquestioned protector of ‘Dharavi’ and loved by its inhabitants.

The counter to this earthy Kaala is the powerful authoritarian political leader, Haridev Abhyankar alias Hari Dada (Nana Patekar). He is the quintessential class enemy: disengaged from the masses, rooted in social ritualism and interested in ‘clean and pure’ urban development of Mumbai. The villain represents the interest of the rich and the conservative mourning of the dominant social groups. He detests Dharavi for being dirty and wishes to revamp it so that the place can fit into his idea of civility and development. He instrumentalizes the modern institutions (Police/Judiciary/bureaucracy) to torment the poor. His power and status gives him a hedonist psychological comfort that allows him to think that he is ‘born to rule’.

Kaala defeats the corrupt design of the powerful class with his heroic physical strength, raw humor and the popular support of the people. Kaala represents the dark, poor precarious world whereas Hari Dada’s neat, clean, white milieu is used as a mask to hide his malicious criminal psyche. Kaala claims that the ‘black’ is the color of laborious proletariat masses and thus changes the meaning of black metaphorically.

What makes Kaala different from other masala flicks is its subversive attitude while depicting the popular story. It brings new social symbols and characteristics that are not seen much in the mainstream cinema before. First, it starts with making the grandfather the hero of the film. The protagonist is not young, perfect-bodied macho or a fair man- an essential element of masala films. Second, all the female leads are fiery, feminist-kind and devoid from the typical moral appearances of the conventional woman in the cinema. In Kaala’s home, the women are not submissive but vocal and independent. Third, the side-characters are not superficial but identifiable with the regular people that we see on the streets. There is no bold make-up, no dream sequences, no item song or no character wears unrealistic flamboyant attires. All the characters look absolutely real. Hence the background looks authentic and natural. In totality it gives the audience a surreal experience.

Importantly, the film does not hide the social demography of the characters instead it displays it boldly. The visible Dalit-Bahujan symbolism used in the film makes each frame rich with substantive sociological and ideological details. The audience of mainstream cinema is customized to see the hero as the representative of upper caste culture. The Hero would flag his Hindu social identity and its religious culture without any apology. But Kaala is not a Hindu upper caste hero. He belonged to a non-brahmanic social tradition. The narrative suggests that he is a Tamil Dalit, settled in Dharavi and must have adopted a Buddhist identity. On many occasions, the film displays the engagement of the hero with the Dalit-Bahujan iconography and in one scene it even depicts the practice of untouchability. Thus the thick social realism used in the film brings it closer to the actual subaltern world and produce a counter narrative.

Kaala is not only a display of alternative social symbols but it also builds a radical political alternative against the bourgeois rightwing politics of the current times. It showcases the growing democratic consciousness of the Lower Castes, religious minorities, women and other working class people in the depraved land of Dharavi. The films at its core represent the idea of democratic socialism. It retold the epical battle between the haves and have not’s in an actual sociological space. This is different from the Marxian brand of socialism. Here, the socialist politics is not meant to reduce all the social and cultural identities into a collective body as one working class but it uses and celebrates the primordial (caste/communitarian/linguistic) identities to form a plural collective of the people. Kaala thus offers a new socialist dream, under the leadership of proletariat vanguard while functioning within the populist democracy.

Further, the film endorses a hard definition of secularism. There are no mentions of ‘good religious values’ or showcasing of communal rituals, instead it portrays the devotees of brahmanical rituals in negative light. The white and disciplined house of Hari Dada is arranged with bold display of Hindu religious symbols, but he is characterized as patriarchal, sexist political boss having minimal respect for the life world of the poor. But, the Dharavi appears irreligious, away from communal passion

The question of land in the film is important as it connects the diverse colors of community and caste to become one revolutionary class at the climax. Here, the poor are not handicap and oppressive subjects but conscious and radical agents. Between the battle of massive poor majority and a tiny oppressive social elites, it is inevitable that the heroic proletariats would be the winner. The diversity erupts with different colors and dislodges the powerful elite from its throne. The mass turns into a revolutionary hero and continues the struggle for dignity, land rights and justice.

This is indeed a popular narrative. The director only improvises the epical tale by infusing a language and symbols unknown to the mainstream cinema. He simply handed the flaming torch of revolution to the actual oppressed social identities and provided it a heroic apostle. The story looks refreshing and real with such vital changes.

The traditional custodians of the cinema market will not be content with such departure. The film is pulled down from theatres for a banal commercial reason, suggesting that the Salman Khan’s big release ‘Race-3’ needs more screens. However, this is not the sole reason for its bad performance at the box office. The film reviewers, critics, trade pundits and other cinema experts depicted Kaala as a ‘bad’ film and called it ‘inconsistent’ with the logic of popular entertainment. There was an overall condemnation for its political overtones and ideological moorings. It was seen as a political rally to dislodge the current ruling elites in the power. It is also cornered as a film that flaunts deep cultural antagonism against Hindu religion and for heralding radical Ambedkarite politics as new revolutionary force. The critics thus depict their conservative fear and anxiety towards a film that tried to experiment with the dominant narrative style of filmmaking.

Whatever may be its commercial success, Kaala did establish that the ‘Dalit-Bahujan’ perspective has entered into mainstream cinema with a heroic élan. The way Nagraj Manjule’s ‘Sairaat’ impacted the story telling practices of Marathi cinema, there is a hope that ‘Kaala’ will also influence the other film world similarly. It has a potential to democratize the film industry by carving a dignified space in which the imaginative fiction of the marginalized people can be showcased and appreciated without fear and prejudices.

letters@tehelka.com

Dementia is painful, better mind it now

Illnesses spare almost none. But the rapid increase in the number of patients suffering from Alzheimer’s and related disorders should be an urgent cause of concern. At present, an estimated 1.6 million people in India are suffering from the disease. Sadly, the awareness and understanding about it is very low. The worst part is that there is no sure-shot cure for such kind of illnesses.

Legendary Urdu poet Bashir Badr and former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee — both popular and intelligent personalities of their respective fields at one point of time — are glaring example of how people go into oblivion when such diseases come calling. While Bashir Badr, whose memory is fading away very fast, is living in solitude in Bhopal these days, Vajpayee — after suffering a stroke in 2009 that weakened his cognitive abilities — too is living a secluded life.

We all find, on regular basis, many dementia patients around us — in our localities, relations and among friends. Their medical conditions frighten us. More so because we had seen them living normal lives until recently. Now they are not being able to recognise their children or recollect their own writings as in the case of Bashir Badr.

It also scares us because dementia turns its patients into mindless individuals. Mindless, selfless, unreasonable creatures, somehow still looking like human beings. We see a metaphysical incompatibility in them, and it is deeply unsettling. For all practical purposes, they seem like headless bodies, up and shambling around. And the saddest thing is that you can’t help them in any way to improve their condition.

Each dementia story comes across as an individual tragedy. We witness it in our neighbourhood. Some time we read about it or watch it or hear about it. Initially, one starts fearing that something similar may happen to him or her. But after few moments, we shrug such thoughts off our head, thinking that this may never happen to us. Dementia, in literal terms, is unimaginable. It’s not easy to put ourselves in the place of the demented. How can one wrap his or her mind around what it must be like to lose your brain. We, the storytelling animals, invent confident memories of our future. This is the reason why we don’t care or take precautionary measures to slow down ageing, reduce the chances of major illnesses or get ready to fight the deadly diseases before they actually hit us.

No doubt, Alzheimer’s and dementia are deadly diseases. Scientists are yet to confirm a single theory that proves where this medical condition comes from, or why. The disease seems to have sprung itself from deep within the human architecture, a curse written over the door to our last, hitherto unexplored chamber. Some experts suggest that the disease remains in every brain, lying in wait for activation.

About five million people are expected to suffer from Alzheimer’s across the country by 2050. But nothing tangible has been done to deal with it at individual, societal, medical or governmental level. Like millions other patients, dementia-hit Bashir Badr is now in a condition where he finds it very hard to speak even a word. So are we when we think of such diseases and the inaction to do away with them.

letters@tehelka.com

Foreign policy initiatives: India at gain or loss?

Trips abroad In 2015, Modi made 12 foreign trips, spending 1.34 billion on these journeys

The focus is on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s foreign policy initiatives, which have consumed much of his energy and time besides considerable financial resources of the country. Till now (June 22, 2018) he has set his foot on as many as 55 countries, including five visits to the US and China and four to Russia and Germany.

According to official figures, the maximum expenditure he incurred during his foreign travel was in 2016 (1.52 billion) though he made only eight trips and remained away from India for 29 days. In 2015, he made the largest number of foreign trips (12), remaining out of the country for 57 days but spent 1.34 billion on these journeys, less than the expenditure made in 2016 on this account.

Modi took over as Prime Minister on May 26, 2014, but during the seven months in his first year as the head of the government he spent Rs 779 million on his seven trips to overseas destinations spreading over 35 days. Compared to this, his expenditure on foreign trips (seven trips for 32 days) in 2017 came down to 765 million. The figures for the current year are not available, but the number of the countries he has visited till the middle of June indicates that the bill for 2018 will also be quite substantial.

At the end of it all, what are the gains for the country? It is learnt that foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to India during NDA rule have been of the order of $31 billion in 2014-15, $55.5 billion in 2015-16 and $60.8 billion in 2016-17. Reports suggest that the FDI inflows would continue to grow as the government has been relaxing the FDI policy with a view to providing an investor-friendly climate in the country. But the gains cannot be described as satisfactory as the country needed as much as $1 trillion as FDI in 2014, mostly in the infrastructure sector, as stated by Modi during his first visit to the US after taking over as Prime Minister.

The figure for the FDI requirement today obviously must be much higher as indicated by the fact that in 2004 then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told an audience in the US that India needed FDI inflows to the tune of $150 billion for different sectors, but the Modi government’s estimate rose to $1 trillion. However, can foreign direct investors continue to keep their interest in India intact in view of disturbing reports from different parts of the country relating to the missing fear of the law as indicated by increasing incidents of rape and lynching of Indians by Indians on various pretexts. Overseas investors, obviously, cannot feel confident of bringing their capital to a country which suffers from social peace and a major law and order problem.

Now let us have a look at the foreign policy gains in terms of improvement in India’s relations with its neighbours and major countries of the world. On May 26, 2014, when Modi had taken the oath of office as Prime Minister he gave a clear indication that improving ties with the countries in India’s immediate neighbourhood, as part of our “Neighbourhood First” policy, would be given top priority. But today one finds that the achievements made on this front are not in accordance with the expectations.

India had invested considerably in Nepal during its tumultuous days after the end of monarchy. Yet Kathmandu speaks a language indicating that India does not figure prominently in Nepal’s schemes for rebuilding the nation. Nepalese Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli some time ago bluntly told Indian diplomats “not to interfere in Nepal’s internal affairs”. Contrary to this, Nepal’s relations with China have been on the upswing ever since the dawn of democracy in the Himalayan nation. Perhaps, Kathmandu has become more suspicious of India after New Delhi’s denial of some essential supplies to Nepal which were later on made available to it by China.

India has been facing a major challenge from China in other SAARC countries too. India got an excellent opportunity to increase its presence in Sri Lanka when Sri Lanka Freedom Party leader Mahinda Rajapaksa lost power in the elections there. He was too well known for his pro-China stance. However, that opportunity is yet to be fully exploited though the new President, Maithripala Sirisena, the main architect of Rajapaksa’s defeat, and his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe are very much inclined towards improving their country’s relations with India.

So far as India’s ties with Bangladesh are concerned, the Modi government has, no doubt, added a new feather to its cap by clinching a major land boundary agreement with Dhaka, but China continues to be the most sought-after regional power in that country. The Chinese presence in Bangladesh is expanding fast with two special economic zones coming up there with massive Chinese assistance. There are many other projects also in which China is closely involved in a country otherwise having a pro-India Awami League government.

Myanmar too has an almost similar story to tell. Despite the much-publicised “Neighbourhood First” policy, India is nowhere near China in Myanmar’s scheme of things.
An interesting policy shift in the case of Pakistan was expected with Modi’s sudden decision for a stopover at Lahore to have an informal interaction with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif while being on his way back home after participating in the India-Afghanistan talks in Kabul in December 2015. Modi, perhaps, believed that a personal touch to the cause of India-Pakistan relations may help in making the other side realise that New Delhi’s style of functioning had changed with the BJP-led NDA coming to power. However, the ground reality on this front remains unchanged, whatever the factors involved.

A major achievement for the Modi government was seen in the signing of an agreement with Iran for the development of Chabahar port, but that too is losing its sheen following an accord between Teheran and Beijing over Chabahar. The second factor that may overshadow what India gained by providing assistance for Chabahar is the US withdrawal from the international nuclear deal with Teheran.

With the US being no longer associated with the deal, the sanctions it had earlier imposed on Teheran are effective again and that means a lot of difficulties in doing business with Iran. Besides these factors, any country strengthening or expanding ties with Iran is bound to be looked at with suspicion by the US.

Experts believe that Modi’s special interest in taking our relations with the US to a new high has brought about dynamism in New Delhi’s ties with Washington which is expected to benefit India in many ways.

That may be true, but how to handle the situation arising out of the US decision on the Iranian nuclear deal is going to be a major challenge for New Delhi in the days to come.

The US under President Donald Trump thinks that the Iranian nuclear deal will only harm the American interests in the West Asian region and elsewhere whereas the European Union, Russia and China consider the deal as a major step forward in promoting peace in the world. What will be India’s stand in such a scenario? Under the prevailing circumstances, it is not so easy to take a decision, but the world will respect India if it shows courage to go by the compulsions of its own national interests as well as the good of humanity at large.

Experts believe that India is providing proof that it has gathered the capacity to go by its own larger interests on various global or regional issues. The belief is based on how India conducted itself during the Wuhan one-on-one dialogue between Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping to end the bitterness in the relations between India and China following the Doklam crisis.

Of course, India and China have serious differences over many issues, including New Delhi’s efforts to acquire membership of the prestigious Nuclear Suppliers Group, yet every available opportunity is being utilised to find a way for cooperative co-existence for mutual gains.

Let us hope India will never take any step that may prevent it from holding its head high in the comity of nations.

letters@tehelka.com

Monkey menace biting the Hills

Fear rules: A total of 86 cases of monkey attacks were reported in Shimla in 2017-18

When Harshit Sood came to meet his uncle’s family living in the Lower Jakhu area of capital city of Shimla, a few days ago, he never thought that he had to land in hospital for a reason he never expected. He was climbing the stairs when a group of monkeys attacked him. He ran to save himself but during this course he fractured himself. He was admitted in Indira Gandhi Medical College Hospital, Shimla, for treatment.

There were as many as 86 such cases of monkey attacks registered with the state government record in the year of 2017-18. And there is another side of the picture. Due to monkeys, 12 states have witnessed crop loss of 286 crores in the year 2017-18 (till March 31) while the loss to horticulture crops is 173 crores. A total of 2,318 villages have been identified in the state which are under severe attack of monkeys spread over 57 tehsils in 10 districts of the state out of total 12. “Right from my forefathers, we were farmers since many decades. But in the last few years when we found that kheti-badi (agriculture) is a business of loss due to monkeys and other wild animals, we sold our land and now we have opened a garment showroom in New Shimla,” said Ravinder Jasta of Shimla Gramin area.

He is not alone who is forced to stop agriculture and shift to some other business in past few years. Sanjay Dhatwalia of Bijhri in Hamirpur district have huge losses due to monkeys in his area. Now Sanjay is working as an employee at a shop in Badsar to earn bred-butter to his family. The state government claims that of the total population of 2.7 lakh around 1.39 lakh monkeys have been sterilized since 2006, of which 50 per cent were females. However, many social organisations do not believe to the government figures. “This claim is not correct. Monkeys have caused big losses to the agriculture in Himachal. Large number of farmers are now on roads and fighting for the bread-butter,” said Dr Om Prakash Bhuraita, National Treasurer Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS), who is fighting for the cause of state farmers for the last three decades.

On this issue RC Kang, chief wildlife warden and principal conservator of forest (wildlife) said that department is trying its best to save crops in Himachal. “Wildlife experts from Bengaluru will study the eating habits of monkeys and further suggest measures to reduce their attacks on farmlands in the state,” added Kang.

According to the experts the state farmers are facing onslaught from all directions. Firstly, there are natural calamities like drought, floods, hailstorms or delayed rains. Secondly, they are being subjected to exploitation from middleman in the markets besides diminishing subsidies and increasing cost of agricultural inputs. Wild animals including monkeys invade fields and destroy cash crops (off-season vegetables, apple etc.) and food grains (maize, millet etc.). “The livelihood of farmers today in Himachal is seriously threatened by wild animals. Crop raiding wild animals like monkeys (rhesus macaques), wild boars, blue bull, hares, porcupine, parrots, bear, bats peacocks etc. have broght farmers on large numbers on roads,’’ said Kuldeep Tanwar, a leading farmer and CPM leader.

According to the data collected by the Tehelka reveal that state government have spent 48,63,996 in the last six years just to pay as conpensation towards monkey biting cases. As many as 1,220 monkey biting cases came in front of government for claims in these years.
After much hue and cry from the state farmer unions, state government sent a proposal to the centre in 2017. After which central environment, Forest and Climate Change Ministry issued a notification on December 20, 2017, declaring monkeys as vermins in 38 more tehsils of Himachal Pradesh covering 10 districts.

The threat posed by wild animals, including monkeys becomes all the more grim in a scenario where aaproximate 68 percent families in the state possess one hectare less of agricultural land and 80 percent people depend on agriculture and horticulture. Out of 3,243 GPs nearly 71 per cent panchayats (2,301) in the state are affected by wild animals menace while 80 percent farmer families (8,00,000 ) are affected.

According to a survey conducted by Kheti Bachao Sangharsh Samiti, the state have total 3243 gram panchayats (GPs) out of which 2301 are affected. The study revead that the intesity of problem in 936 GPs is low, 770 middle and high in 595 GPs. Report says that ‘’the Centre has once again declared rhesus macaque monkeys as ‘vermin’ in ten districts of Himachal Pradesh, thus allowing the state forest department to cull them for preventing crop loss, conflict with humans, and property loss’’.

“The fresh notification, brought out by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC), will be valid for an year and will be applicable only in non-forest areas. MoEF&CC had issued a similar notification in May 2016 that expired after one year. Himachal Pradesh forest department, though, did not cull a single monkey between 2016 and 2017, its senior officials told DNA. In Bihar and Uttarakhand, too, they had issued similar notifications, declaring nilgai and wild boars as vermins in the respective states,” said Dr Om Prakash Bhuraita.

After the 2016 notification became void, previous Virbhadra Singh-led government sent a fresh proposal to the environment ministry seeking to declare monkeys as vermin again. The proposal was accepted after due appraisal, a ministry official said. The issue of crop losses caused by monkeys was also poll issue in the recent assembly elections. In their electoral campaigns both the Congress and the BJP had promised farmers of appropriate action.

“We have issued a fresh notification, it is not an extension of the old one. Apart from Himachal Pradesh, Bihar had also sought renewal of the notification to declare Nilgai as vermin but their proposal has not been accepted. They are yet to provide impact studies. Uttarakhand has not sought any order to declare wild boars as vermin again.” said a senior ministry official on the condition of anonymity.

When asked as to why the state government sought a fresh notification when no monkey was culled, a senior officer in Forest department said, “Though we did not cull any monkey, we reached out to farmers to create awareness and have succeeded to an extent in curbing the solid waste issue. Open dumping of food waste is the main attraction for monkeys.” 
He added, “Culling is also difficult as religious sentiments are attached with monkeys. Unless any Panchayat passed a resolution to cull monkeys, we do not want to cull them.” Infect, People are reluctant to harm animal, due to the religious sentiments associated with it, believing it to be a descendant of Lord Hanuman.

Animal rights activist Gauri Maulekhi who had moved Supreme Court against the earlier orders of Centre, said, ‘’Conflict with wild animals is a direct result of mismanagement of forests. The forest department has waste tens of crores of public funds on counterproductive sterilisation and now they they want to kill the same sterilised monkeys.’’

Kheto Bachao Samiti Conservative estimates put the loss of 300-450 crores to crops. (75-100 crores horticultural crops plus around 300 crores to agricultural crops). Fallow land due to wild animal menace (out of 78,791 hectares) amounting to loss of more than 500 crores. Watch & ward costs another 1,200 crores (5 to 6 lakh family members/hired persons are engaged in this effort for more than 150 to 200 days). “Total loss according to our study is 2,200 crores per year,’’ said Bhuraita.

According to unofficial records 66.52 per cent land is with the forest department (out of which PAN is 15 per cent) while only 17.14 percent is with farmers (out of which only 11.17 per cent area in cultivable by 9,60,765 farmer families. ‘’Due to all these reasons farmers are migrating from different parts of Sirmour to Shimla and working as laborers in Drabil, Jhakando, Nainidhar, Lojhamanal, Koto Bonch, Panog, in Shillai and from other blocks,’’ claimed the farmer leader. He also claimed that Sumoti Devi of Kando Bhatnol, Dinesh of Navan Bahtwar while a woman died near Ghaghas bridge while saving her children from attacking monkeys, a motorcyclist was killed by group of aggressing monkeys on Kalka-Shimla highway, in Mandi little girl died after monkeys attacked her, Mamta Sachdeva, a young women died in Shimla when group of monkeys attacked her on November 4, 2014.
State Forest Minister Gobind Singh Thakur said that state government is well aware about the losses of crops and human lived in the state by monkeys and other wild animals. ‘’We have framed policies for the compensation. We have also took certain measures to protect people from monkey attacks. Monkey’s sterlisation programme is also yielding good results,’’ said Thakur.

Wild animals threaten livelihood of Himachal farmers

Tehelka talked to Dr Om Prakash Bhuraita, National Treasurer Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS) and Dr Kuldeep Tanwar of Kheti bachao Sangharsh Samiti on this issue. Both are raising farmers issues in the hilly state for the long time. Here are the exerpts:

The livelihood of farmers today in HP is seriously threatened by wild animals. It has become such a loosing battle, that many farmers have stopped growing crops, vital to their sustenance. In a human population of 65 lakh, monkey population is 3.17 lakh (2004 Forest department survey estimates) and must have proportionately increased by now. This is one of the largest concentration of monkeys and amounts to 1 monkey for every 18 humans. Because the state forests cannot carry or sustain such a large concentration of monkeys, they are posing a grave threat to agriculture. Human-wildlife conflict has increased alarmingly in past few years and in the absence of a appropriate management plan this problem is only going to increase in future. This is the single biggest and urgent issue troubling farmers in HP today. There are also other wildlife species endangering crops. Many a time voices have been raised regarding this problem but not in any organized manner. Rural people in Himachal have now been forced to raise their collective voice through ‘Kheti Bachao Sangharsh Samiti’, as a manifest of their anger. Protecting the crops is not a matter of saving an individual family, but any threat on agriculture is a threat to long time food security of the people of state. The magnitude of the problem has to be viewed in this light. Nearly 2301 panchayats in the state are affected by wild animals. Most of the panchayats in Hamirpur, Kangra, Solan, Sirmaur, Mandi, Una, Kullu and Shimla are facing the threat of wild life on agriculture. Going by the newspaper reports, 53 per cent of damage to crops has been reportedly done by monkeys and 23 per cent by wild boars. Conservative estimates put the loss of 75 crores to horticulture, 100 crores to agriculture and 150-200 crores to other sectors. The threat posed by wild animals becomes all the more grim in a scenario where 84 per cent families in the state possess 5 bighas or less of agricultural land and 70 per cent people depend on agriculture and horticulture. Due to this reasons, people are forced to keep their land vacant which is a dangerous signals in a land use based economy, like that of Himachal Pradesh. An estimate of FSI indicates that during 2000-03 there was decline of 1453 sq. kms. in dense forest category and increase in open forest category by 1446 sq. kms. in the same period. But the most important question is, how responsible for this interference are the common farmers? how many small and marginal farmers have encroached on forests? forest mafia is primarily responsible for such encroachments, that has eliminated forests after forests, or illegally occupied hundreds of bighas of forest land. Large scale tree felling is also not done by the common person but by forest mafia. Often the blame of ecological imbalance is thrust on the farmers and unregulated damage by forest mafia is overlooked. Big dam, cement factories and other projects have also repeatedly muddled with wildlife habitats but the forest department has been unwilling to share their responsibility. In last years availability of food base in forest area has decreased due to fragmentation and continuous degradation of forest as well as monoculture practices being followed. The diminishing availability of food and wildlife entering human habitation has very historical reason behind it. An important reason for this has been the faulty plantation policy in the past. A single specie of trees was promoted in forests. The policy of growing cheer pine between 1000 to 1800 mt. height has led to a vast impact on forest life, continuously diminishing wild fruits, flowers, roots and herbs which were consumed by wild animals as food. To a certain extent, the Wildlife Acts are also responsible for increasing population of certain wild species. In these Acts the blanket ban on killing of wild animals has also aggravated the problem. Legally, monkeys cannot be killed.

Under The Prevention of Cruelty To Animals Act, 1960 (Section 11.3), it is allowed to kill stray dogs, but not monkeys. Only protection of wild animals is not enough there must be active management of wildlife. Both preventive and reactive measures must be under taken by the forest department to minimize human-wildlife conflict. Increase in population of monkeys is attributable to other factors also. Religious feelings have also led to increase in their population. Secondly, before 1978, India was the largest exporter of monkeys, exporting 60-70 thousands monkeys per year to other countries for bio-medical researches. After 1978 this was banned. The ban on the export of monkeys was laid because of pressure from national and international agencies who at times give a greater weigtage to sensitivity towards animals but overlook human difficulties. In 1980, HP had 60,000 monkeys population which has risen to 3,17,112 (as per 2004 census), which registers a growth of 530 per cent over that period 1908-2004. This is far greater than the carrying capacity of the state ( Monkey Menace in Himachal Pradesh, Report prepared by the Committee appointed by the AWBI-Ministry of Environment & Forests, GOI, December, 2005). If their growth rate is not checked, it will reach alarming proportions in near future. In the current changed scenario, the lifting of ban on export of monkeys needs to be reconsidered.

letters@tehelka.com

Incidents of bigotry tarnish Lucknow’s Ganga–Jamni fabric

Lucknow — a city renowned for its secular Ganga-Jamni cultural fabric today is drawing headlines for bigotry, religious intolerance and shaming of people with the interfaith alliance.

Three incidents, coming on the heels of one another seem to have shaken the world and set a bad example through the growing incidents of narrow-mindedness, intolerance and gestures reeking of pure prejudice. The most recent is the gruesome experience of a Noida-based, Lucknow interfaith couple when they were ‘humiliated’ and shamed by a passport officer just because they came from different religions and because the lady did not wish to change her Hindu name for the passport. Just a few days before, another incident where a Lucknow-based Hindu girl refused to take help from a Muslim technician for an issue in her Airtel Digital TV network shocked people and left secular-minded people shocked and stunned. Incidentally, the solutions meted out in these two cases were hugely different. There was another incident in the city when a VHP functionary refused to travel by an Ola cab, which had a Muslim driver.

While in the case of the couple, the passport authorities came into action, immediately transferred the errant employee, the VHP man’s tweets drew huge criticism and Ola reacted sharply. In the case of Airtel, a private telecom firm, the request of the girl was heeded and she was connected to a Hindu technician for the solution of her TV network.

But what happened in the capital of the most populous city of India to Mohammad Anas Siddiqui and Tanvi Seth, an interfaith couple married for the past 12 years with a six-year-old daughter, was clearly an eye-opener for all who believe in applying secular yardstick in judging any citizen. Both Anas and Tanvi hail from Lucknow and have studied here. The couple was in Lucknow to celebrate Eid with the family of Anas. They had been planning a holiday for a while now, and for this Tanvi had to get her passport made and Anas had to get his renewed.

They had taken the requisite appointment online with the passport authorities in Lucknow situated at Ratan Square. But when they reached the passport office on June 20, 2018, and were called in after their number was announced they were in for a big shock. The officer on the seat, Vikas Mishra, subjected them to what Tanvi calls ‘humiliating behaviour’.

She alleges that she was ‘shamed’ for her alliance and questioned why she did not change her Hindu name after her marriage to a Muslim man. On the other hand, it is alleged that the officer asked Anas to convert to Hinduism and take the ‘pheras’ (as per Hindu tradition).

When the two protested and said that religion was a personal matter and they had the right to choose their life partners as adults, the officer put aside their papers and was rude to them.
“His tone was loud, gestures intimidating and disposition humiliating and aimed at shaming us,” said Tanvi.

Shaken but not cowed down by the behaviour of the officer, the gusty couple immediately took to the social media to narrate their harrowing experience. Tanvi’s tweets to Union Minister Sushma Swaraj spread like wildfire on the social media. News of the couple being harassed allegedly on account of their interfaith marriage became breaking news within seconds.

Vikas Mishra in his defense maintained that all he had told Tanvi Seth was to get her nikahnama name Sadia Anas endorsed on her passport, which she refused to do. But within hours, not only was the officer transferred and an enquiry instituted, but the regional passport officer called the couple to the passport office in Gomtinagar, and with the media camera flashlights all around and a milieu of journalists waiting to record this significant moment, handed over the passports to the smiling couple.

But such was not the fate meted out to the ‘victim’ by private telecom company Airtel. Shoaib, who for no fault of his had to suffer the ‘religious bias’ at the hands of a customer just because his name was Shoaib and he was a Muslim. This case crosses all barriers of logic and decorum and leaves a lot to be said for the mindset of people and the desire of private companies not to ruffle feathers.

Just a few months back, another case of religious intolerance had come to light in the City of Nawabs. A Lucknow-based Hindu girl, Pooja Singh, a management professional, seeking assistance to fix her Airtel Digital TV network allegedly blatantly told the technician who responded to her complaint and gave his name as Shoaib that as he was a Muslim she did not trust him and that she should be provided with a Hindu executive who can resolve her complaint. Seems the private telecom player heeded to her demand and replaced Shoaib with Gaganjot Singh, a Sikh, to address her complaint.

Pooja’s preference for customer resolution team members on the basis of religion has drawn a lot of flak on social media. Her tweets generated a lot of furore on the social media after they went viral. She was subjected to a lot of criticism and ridiculed and poked for her attitude and mindset. She was mocked and told that even if she supported the Hindutva parties like the BJP or believed in RSS ideology she had no right to discriminate on religious grounds.

In a tone derived from the Shahrukh Khan’s popular dialogue was a tweet, “I am a Hindu too. Kindly assign Mr Shoaib for all my future customer care requests! Also, please refer Ms @pooja303singh case to a qualified psychiatrist. She needs a different brain, not a different representative.”

Seems the former J&K Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, adopted a practical and impactful way. He declared that he would immediately change his mobile operator without delay.

But while Omar has made his intention very clear and public, there may be many who will not be so vocal but will do as he did. Airtel may not even know but one tweet by one Pooja may have cost them the loss of huge business. While religious intolerance is growing and many youths are talking a language of bigotry that has not been spoken out so blatantly, at least not in Lucknow, which has a fabric of social harmony and respect for interfaith alliances. But such violent, vocal outburst of hatred and distrust are sure to have retaliation. This is what is termed ‘moment of truth.’ It is a reaction to this outburst which will have ‘momentous impact.’ And many times the one who does this is blissfully unaware of the huge psychological as well as financial loss his outburst can cost not just to an individual, organization but to the society at large.

Tweets of Tanvi Seth to Sushma Swaraj

*Ma’am I never ever imagined that in a place like passport office we would have a people who are moral policing the citizens. He didnt just put my passport on hold he even put my husband’s @5220manas passport on hold. This is clear grudge. I was shocked at this 1/2

*“I have never felt so insulted in the last 12 years of my marriage with my husband. It is my personal choice to choose a name I want to after marriage. This is our family matter and last thing I expected to hear at the passport office was 2/2

Tweet of Pooja Singh

“Dear Shoaib, as you are a Muslim, I have no faith in your work ethic….requesting you to assign a Hindu representative for me.”

letters@tehelka.com

Sukhpal Khaira’s controversial remark backing ‘Referendum 2020’ lands AAP in soup

Khaira attacked both Capt Amarinder Singh and Parkash Singh Badal for backing secessionist demands in the past

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has been trying to wriggle out of an embarrassing situation it faced due to the controversial remark by its leader, Sukhpal Singh Khaira, for backing the controversial demand for ‘Punjab Referendum 2020’. As the political atmosphere got charged up in Punjab after the remark, Khaira retracted his statement the very next day, saying he was misunderstood for what he had said. Khaira said he did not support the idea of Khalistan. Explaining his statement, he said there is a need to ponder why such demands were being raised again in Punjab. He explained that perhaps this was so because of the result of certain consistent policy of bias against Punjab and Punjabis over issues like water distribution, no punishment to the culprits of the anti-Sikh riots in 1994 etc.

Khaira even attacked both Capt Amarinder Singh of the Congress and Parkash Singh Badal of the Shiromani Akali Dal for backing secessionist demands in the past. He wondered why such a hue and cry was being raised now when in the past no one had condemned Capt Amarinder and Badal on their objectionable demands.

Sensing adverse reaction to Khaira’s statement, AAP tried its damage control measures to defuse the crisis. AAP refused to buy Khaira’s casual denial of the real intent of his remarks on the referendum. Incensed over Khaira’s remarks, AAP leadership pulled him up and he was summoned to Delhi.

According to sources, the party expressed its anguish over his remarks on such a sensitive issue. Khaira’s statement lent credence to people’s perception that AAP supports groups with dubious demands.

AAP party in-charge of Punjab affairs Manish Sisodia demanded a written explanation from Sukhpal Khaira with regard to the Referendum 2020. Displaying his apparent displeasure, AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal even refused to meet him during his visit to Delhi. Later Khaira issued a statement that he did not support the demand for Referendum 2020.

AAP leadership has not forgotten how the party suffered in the Punjab state assembly polls last year when Kejriwal had stayed in the house of an alleged Khalistani supporter. SAD, Congress and the BJP had raised heckles over the issue during the election campaign and maligned AAP, claiming that it had the backing and the support of the Khalistani elements and was trying to win the poll on the basis of that.

Perception counts a lot in the eyes of the public. AAP’s denial before the Punjab assembly last year that it had any connection with the Khalistani elements had failed to convince Punjab voters who had then overwhelmingly voted in favour of the Congress and AAP could manage to win just 20 assembly seat to be relegated to the position of the main opposition party in the state.

AAP finds itself in a similar situation now. Khaira’s statement has the potential to damage AAP’s reputation in Punjab. Not just the opposition parties, but AAP itself immediately distanced itself from his statement. AAP Punjab’s co-president Dr Balbir Singh declared that the party does not support any Referendum 2020. He said AAP stands for unity and integrity of India. Angered with Khaira’s statement, Balbir Singh said the AAP party high command was planning to take action against Sukhpal Singh Khaira.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), which has ruled Punjab over a number of years, too expressed resentment over AAP leaders utterances on Referendum 2020. A statement issued by SAD spokesman Daljit Singh Cheema said the party was surprised by the fact that even elected over representatives were now talking about Referendum 2020 which attempts to divide the country. “This is an attempt on the integrity and sovereignty of India,’’ said Cheema.

Khaira reportedly was accused of making such a statement to attract NRI support for the AAP and especially overseas funds for the party. No wonder many office bearers and volunteers of AAP’s foreign wings in countries like Canada, US and Europe backed Khaira after his remark. The overseas units demanded action against co-convener of Punjab unit, Dr Balbir Singh, who had attacked and criticised Khaira for his statement. Khaira even found support from the Overseas Wings of AAP. A letter was issued by the Overseas Wings of AAP that said it was sad that party’s own leaders were attacking him instead of supporting the issue raised by him.

Talking to Tehelka, political analyst from Punjab,Dr Manjit Singh, said it was wrong on the part of Khaira to talk of any bias or discrimination against the Sikh community which he had cited as instance why demands for the referendum 2020 were being raised now in Punjab.

“Punjab is a Sikh state on the basis of its majority popularity. Sikhs have been ruling the state all these years. Where is the question of discrimination against Sikhs in Punjab or any other part of the country? Punjab was party to all the previous water accords in the state. It is true that Punjab has to share 8 MAF water to Rajasthan and .02 MAF to Haryana. But water is no single state’s property. It has to be shared. There is no discrimination in this. Sikhs are not persecuted or prosecuted in any part of the country. The demand for a referendum, therefore, does not make any sense at all. Without the rest of the country’s resources, how will Punjab survive if it is created as a separate country,’’ said Professor Manjit Singh.

But as the controversy started to subside, AAP’s suspended MP Dr Dharamvira Gandhi raked up the issue again. Gandhi reportedly issued a statement in support of Referendum 2020. Talking to Tehelka, Dr Gandhi clarified that he is not supporting Punjab Referendum 2020. He said he is only supporting the right of the people to express their political, religious, economic views freely in a democratic country like India. If they do so there should not be any persecution or prosecution.

Dr Gandhi said when people often declare India will be a Hindu Rashtra in a few years time no one criticizes them.

“Why should Dalits, minorities including Sikhs be questioned if they raise their issues and demands peacefully? Why should they face sedition charges? What is wrong in the expression of their views? Why should government gag their voices? I also support democracy. It is the democratic right of every citizen to express themselves and I stand by that,’’ he said.

Gandhi also uploaded a video on his Facebook account saying everyone in the country has a right to express his or her views through democratic means. The government, in turn, should not gag such voices, the video showed him declaring. AAP so far has not taken any note of the statement of its suspended MP.

letters@tehelka.com

End of sit-in at LG’s office brings temporary relief

Power tussle: The AAP government in Delhi is not getting enough cooperation from the Centre

With the calling off nine-day sit-in at the Lieutenant Governor’s office by Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal on June 19 and the IAS officers’ decision to start attending meetings convened by AAP ministers, the people of Delhi heaved a sigh of relief in the wake of uncertainty over “governance paralysis.” Sit-in, dharnas and protests by the AAP government, since it came to power in Delhi with unprecedented majority in 2015, have been its frequent defining features in the wake of power tussle between the Central Government led by the BJP and the AAP government on one or the other issue because of Delhi’s unique legislative status.

Constitutional experts feel that Delhi’s unique legislative structure is a major point of contention. As compared to other states, where the elected state government enjoys complete autonomy, elected government in Delhi finds its powers severely curtailed in presence of the office of the lieutenant-governor (LG), a political appointee of the federal government. According to some critics, the present dispensation at the Centre had begun to whittle away at the “limited powers” enjoyed by the AAP government since it assumed office in 2015.

The office of the LG is often adorned by officials loyal to the federal regime. Besides, immense powers are vested in LG. According to some media reports, the federal government has made it clear that the bureaucrats of Delhi government must report to the state government through the office of the LG and this has been the main contention of Kejriwal government that bureaucrats don’t listen to its directions. Meanwhile, bureaucrats have been citing different reasons for not reporting to Kejriwal and his ministers. The AAP government’s demand for full statehood for Delhi is unlikely to get any support from the Union Government in the near future.

Describing Kejriwal as a “harried leader” and “the odd man out in politics”, some experts opine that he has been through a difficult grind ever since he assumed power in 2015. Evidently, elected government in the National Capital is not getting enough of cooperation from the Union Government and this situation is attributed by some experts to the reason that Kejriwal often asserted his rights as CM or rubbed the rival BJP the wrong way. While commenting on the role of the LG of Delhi in dealing with the AAP government, one critic has pointed out that far from playing the role of a quiet friend, a guide and guardian, in the case of the elected government of Delhi, the LG’s office has indulged in delays, disruption and sabotage of the work of elected government and witch-hunt of its functionaries.

AAP’s non-performance

The AAP government’s grouse against senior bureaucrats is that instead of reporting to the government’s ministers, they report to the federal government and this prevents the elected state government from carrying out its agenda. Kejriwal has claimed that bureaucrats have been stonewalling all major initiatives of his government since February this year. As per media reports, Kejriwal accuses the LG and the Central government of being behind the moves by civil servants. The LG, on the other hand maintains that he has no power over Kejriwal and his ministers’ relationships with the bureaucracy, which have soured since an ugly confrontation between the state cabinet and the chief secretary.

Conceding that with the exception of concession in electricity, free water supply and some improvement in school infrastructure, some experts point out that the AAP government has very little to show as its achievements in the capital. On non-performance on initiatives like door-to-door delivery of services and installation of CCTVs, the AAP argues that these initiatives could not see the light of the day due to the delay by the LG’s office.

Some close observers of Delhi politics point out that AAP has learned the trick of creating occasional administrative “deadlock” to distract public attention from a governance failure at multiple levels. These observers are also critical of AAP leaders’ ineptness at governance, no knowledge of the “grammar of governance” and the constitutional provisions. It is further added that the AAP government has little to show by way of any tangible outcome, even where there was no interference by the LG. While asserting that AAP wants the “deadlock”to continue, one critic has opined that AAP is desirous of exploiting this crisis to gain entry into an anti-BJP alliance.

Chimera of opposition unity

On June 17, when the sit-in protest by Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal against the LG of Delhi, entered the seventh day, the four sitting chief ministers – West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan, Andhra CM N Chandrababu Naidu and Karnataka chief minister HD Kumaraswamy, who were not allowed to see Kejriwal, addressed a press conference at Kejriwal’s residence, wherein they slammed the Central government for “restricting the federal system”, terming it a threat to the nation. They also asserted that their support for the AAP was about “saving the democratic system of the country”. As per media reports, the former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh Akhilesh Yadav and CPI (M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury have also endorsed the position taken by Kejriwal.

Expression of solidarity with Kejriwal by four sitting CMs of four non-BJP ruled states is being seen by some critics as opening up of a new front by the Opposition against the Modi government. However, it is interesting to note that these CMs had come to Delhi to attend meeting of the NITI Aayog and did not specifically came for Kejriwal rather they practiced the proverbial adage of “Make hay while the sun shines.”

While pointing that in the aftermath of the Bengaluru display of Opposition unity at the Kumaraswamy’s swearing-in, one expert has opined that the four non-BJP CMs arrival in Delhi to back their beleaguered colleague and AAP chief is a measure of their collective determination to take on the BJP at national level. Another expert feels that the four regional CMs, who have carved out a distinct identity on this very political spin, have eagerly joined forces to preserve their options in creating a national alternative in the next general election. But in the end, that will give no joy to Kejriwal for their end game is to enhance only their relevance. AAP will have to replace its urge for street activism with creativity and vision to pull itself out of this quagmire.

Way forward

The sigh of relief being heaved by Delhi in the aftermath of calling of the nine-day sit-in by Kejriwal is only temporary because the legislative or constitutional issues remain unresolved. While stating that the confrontation between Kejriwal and the Centre might only worsen in the months ahead, some critics point out that it is premature to judge whether Kejriwal’s fight, backed by the Opposition, will help him retain power in Delhi.

Another critic has opined that in the aftermath of the opposition alliance post-the Karnataka polls and with no hardcore caste or religion voter base to call his own, Kejriwal was feeling isolated and in the backdrop of his nine-day long sit-in at the LG house, he could play the victim card and garner public sympathy. Such a move could exert pressure on the Congress and other regional parties to include the AAP in their alliance, and also help in effective bargaining during seat-sharing talks.

With the 2019 election year at hand, Kejriwal knows the political survival of the AAP hinges on getting public support and playing the victim card. The recurring incidents of dharnas and sit-ins in the national capital and confrontational politics between the Union Government and the elected government of Delhi don’t bode well for federal set-up. Delhi deserves full statehood and efforts for finding a viable constitutional solution to this issue would be in the interest of cooperative federalism.

letters@tehelka.com

A society indifferent to one of its own

The future of undocumented Rohingya residing in India remains uncertain

Not just on the recently observed World Refugee Day — June 20, but almost every single day I think of an Afghan family I had met few years ago at a crossing in New Delhi. They looked dressed enough not to beg but starved enough to plead for help. And I stood talking to them, a tragic tale emerged. Well-to-do in their home country until circumstances struck them and forced them to flee to India to take refuge in the​ ​camps. They are doomed for life!

I had even visited their one-room refuge, in one of the outer settlements of the Jangpura locality, where their children survived sans school and those everyday basics that growing children need to keep going…their next door neighbours were also Afghan refugee families struggling with lack of resources and complete boycott from the Indians living not too far. There seemed a complicated sort of tragedy unfolding for them as they told me that they had fled to India under the impression that it’s a “huge, vast country with very good people, but here we are looked at with suspicion …all sorts of stories about us Afghans. We are kept away. Don’t know what’s the future of our children? Never ever imagined we would see this day…living worse than beggars in a foreign land. We had everything back home but now where is home! Nowhere for us.”

The tragedy of this refugee family or for that matter for any refugee looking about for refuge is difficult to describe in words. They live, rather are forced to live like outcastes in little ghettos, with the barest possible survival bandobast. It’s difficult if not impossible for them to even request or plead or cry out for help as the local population wants nothing very much to do with them. Ironically, more than half of New Delhi’s residents have parents or grandparents who had witnessed the horrors of the Partition and the aftermath, yet when it comes to today’s refugees, they simply curl up!

Needless for me to write that with hypocrisy levels at all time high in our country, one could perhaps see all sorts of tamasha events or get to hear hollow worded speeches on the World Refugee Day, but as the days pass, the curtains are drawn! We are back to harassing and ridiculing and shunning the hapless refugees, if not spreading stories of their supposed terror activities! Naively, overlooking the rather well known fact — with the police and the agencies keeping a watch on refugees, what supposed terror can these hapless humans unleash!

This brings me to write that with the Right Wing BJP government at the centre stage, the situation stands compounded even further, if the refuge seekers happen to be Muslims. In fact, last year, when the ‘terror angle’ involving the hapless Rohingyas was hyped by the BJP rulers, there came in this bunch of stark facts put together by NDTV’s Srinivasan Jain and his team of reporters, who detailed, on the basis of hard facts, that there were no signs of security threat from the Rohingya refugees taking refuge in our country. Each NDTV reporter, reporting from the four locales — Jammu, Faridabad, Rajasthan, New Delhi — was seen talking to police officials who seemed to give a clean chit to these refugees. Nah, none of the ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Indian Mujahedeen or Jihadist tags to any of the refugees!

To quote these details from NDTV’s website — “An NDTV multi-city investigation into key Rohingya settlements in India found little evidence of terrorist links, or of greater criminality. We focused on the four main centres where Rohingyas are based in India — Jammu, Delhi, Rajasthan and Haryana. Jammu has the highest number of Rohingyas — 5,743 in all… On January 20 this year, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti told the Assembly that “no Rohingya in Jammu and Kashmir has been found involved in militancy related incidents. No instance of radicalising (of) these foreigners has been reported so far.” She said, “Total 17 FIRs have been registered against Rohingyas for various offences, including those relating to illegal border crossing.”

NDTV found that of these 17 FIRs, the two cases are against Bangladeshis and one against a Pakistani. So effectively, there are only 14 FIRs against 5,743 Rohingya Muslims, a crime rate of 0.24 per cent.

We tracked down every single one of the 14 FIRs to find the following: eight cases for lack of visa, two cases of rape, one case of cow slaughter, one case for causing injury, one case for selling goods in the black market and one for stealing railway property. These findings were matched by what the senior police officials in Jammu told NDTV — “I haven’t seen anything alarming in terms of their (Rohingya Muslims) criminal records. They are involved in petty thefts like other groups of that social economic situation. But we haven’t found anything alarming or their involvement in organized groups or very sensational nature cases so far,” said Dr SD Singh, Inspector General of Police, Jammu.’

Police officials said that Delhi, being home to approximately 1,000 Rohingya Muslims, they had no data on FIRs registered against Rohingyas in the city, or any evidence of radicalisation. Given the condition of the Rohingyas, they added, it seems highly unlikely that they will be drawn to extremism.

In Jaipur, 350 Rohingya Muslims are spread over four police station areas. NDTV found that in these police stations, there was only one FIR (rape charge) by a Rohingya woman against a Rohingya man. In Haryana, the Rohingyas are clustered in Faridabad and Mewat. Police in Faridabad told NDTV that no cases are registered against Rohingyas. Police officials in Chandigarh said they have no state-wide data on crimes by Rohingyas.

I wonder why we don’t sit and ponder on the uncertainties unleashed by destined turns. Today, you could be living all too comfortably in a well-equipped bungalow, but tomorrow might drag along upheavals and displacements in your life. Not to overlook the reality of getting internally displaced and made to live like a refugee in your own country. No dark fairy tale this but a very harsh reality. Hundreds of Kashmiri Pandits live displaced, far away from the Kashmir Valley. Hundreds of Muslims live displaced in makeshift tented homes in Western Uttar Pradesh. And hundreds live in fear and apprehension in Assam, worried of getting displaced to another land! In these trying times, with changing governing patterns, getting reduced to the refugee status is a reality. With that in the backdrop or foreground, reach out to those seeking refuge in our midst. Maybe, just maybe, tomorrow might see you in the refugee slot!

letters@tehelka.com

Kashmir’s lost boys

Mourning moms, Families in Kashmir continue to mourn the deaths of their young ones in anti-militant drive

This is unfortunate that how women are at the receiving end of protracted subjugation by the conflict and insurgency in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, and is direct or indirect victims of its fallout. Women have lost their loved ones-fathers, mothers, husbands, brothers and sons, some of whom were killed in the encounter and some never returned to the home.

Since the summer unrest of 2010, around 500 local youth have joined the militant ranks in Kashmir valley. As the government forces continue with the anti-militant operations, more local youth continue to join the militant ranks as families continue to mourn the deaths of young ones.

Most of the active militants are highly educated and belong to well-off families. When they leave homes, they take nothing with them, except for a pair of clothes and sleepers.

As the youngsters leave behind their families, it is their mothers who feel the pain of their separation. Among these militant mothers, some are swollen with pride, about their son’s decision while some are not able to find out the reason why their son took up the violent path where the only end is death.

The brave hearts

On June 3, 2018, Tehelka member along with a local went to Adil Ahmad Sheikh’s home. Adil’s brother Nayeem Ahmad Sheikh was a militant. Nayeem was killed during a gunfight with the government forces. By the time Nayeem was killed, Adil had already made up his mind to join the militant ranks. Adil left home only after 20 days of Nayeem’s killing and was active for three years and 8 months.

“He told us he too wants to join the ranks. We would repeatedly plead with him not to take any such step. I already had lost one son,” explained Adil’s mother

One evening, Adil left home and never returned. When he came to meet his parents, after three months, he had joined the militant ranks and came to visit them along with his associates.

Adil was active for more than three years. He would often come home to meet his family and mother.

“Both my sons were efficient at studies and have principles as well. I never questioned their decision neither I have cried after they were killed,” said Adil’s mother.

Adil’s mother showed us a photograph. The picture was a collage of Nayeem and Adil, properly laminated and wrapped in a white colour handkerchief.

As we (Tehelka member and local) started to leave, Adil’s mother handed us a purple bag full of nuts and toffees. “You have come here in the memory of my beloved sons how can I let you go empty-handed,” she said.

In a similar way, 20-year-old Sameer Ahmad Bhat too left home and was killed on April 18, 2018, in Pulwama district’s Drubgam area, which was also the hometown of Sameer. Security forces gunned him down after a six-hour gun battle.

Sameer was famous for his looks – long hair with beard and a well build body; a school dropout who hit the headlines in November 2017 and emerged as another poster boy after the death of Burhan Wani in July 2016.

When Tehelka reached Sameer’s home, we saw posters of deceased militants pasted everywhere — outside and inside the house, and in rooms. ‘Sameer Tiger’ was written on these posters in colourful texts.

While entering the home, we saw a huge black stone with ‘Sameer Tiger’ engraved on it with golden ink. The whole family encircled us and spoke to us at length. His likes, dislikes, hobbies, etc.

“He was never afraid of anyone and was daring. He was here at home for continous 16 days before he was killed,” said Sameer’s mother

The aggrieved hearts

During the time Sameer’s mother conversed with us, not even for a single time she addressed her son as ‘Sameer’ but ‘Tiger’. She showed us a video on a cell phone. In the video, Sameer was helping them to pluck apples in their apple orchid.

Rayees was an engineering graduate who had graduated from the University of Haryana. He was teaching in IIT Rafiabad, Baramulla, around 60 km sfrom Srinagar. His mother, in her late 60’s, still mourns his death and the path he chose.

On reaching Kakapora, Tehelka with help of a local was looking for Rayees’s house. A lady was sitting on a bench outside a medical shop. She was constantly wiping her tears and looking at the nearby graveyard.

With all our strengths we greeted her and while greeting back she pressed a kiss on our foreheads. When we mentioned that we want to meet the parents of Rayees Ahmad Dar, she pointed us towards a grave — that’s his grave and I am his mother.

She asked us to tag along with her through narrow lanes and by-lanes that led to her house. She opened a door and brought cushions for us.

“He was the brightest among all my children. Whenever he used to come home he would take me up in his arms and cajole me like a child,” she said.

Rayees, who would come home once in fifteen days, was confined within the four walls of his house due to the continuous shut down for almost six months.

Like others, Rayees also left home one evening to never return.

His mother opened the door of a cupboard to show us two formal suits hanging inside which were decorated with garlands.

“I have only one wish in life that I too die soon so that I can meet him,” she said in a choked voice.

Another rebel from the same area was Shakir Ahmad Gujoo also known as ‘Abu Hanzala’ was a class 12th student. He had cleared his class 12th board exams and was all set to leave to Chandigarh for higher studies. Besides, he was also helping his father to run his shop.
Shakir who was the native of Kakapora, Pulwama, was chased by police when he ran away and never came back.

His mother Shameema showed us his luggage that is still packed lying in a room corner and a sheet spread over it. She opened up a closet and showed us his school I-card, smartphone and a picture.

Although, she didn’t speak a word till this time but,her dry lips, wrinkled face, and sunken eyes were explaining her pain and grief that she still is in.

“I went to every police officer, every place where I heard he is but I was not able to trace him,” she said.

Shameema was 17 when her brother too died in an encounter. Soon, she was diagnosed with anxiety and depression. Her parents married her in order to make some changes in her life.

“When Shakir arrived in our lives (me and my parents) we were healed. We never knew how and when Shakir became Abu Hanzala”, said Shameema Shakir and his associates were holed up by the army in the new colony of Kakapora on June 21, 2017.

Shameema called up everyone from police to relatives to help her to reach the spot. She wanted to plead to Shakir to surrender. “I ranged SHO, begged him to accompany us to the spot but he refused and said the operation is headed by the army.”

The only thing Shameema regrets, “I never saw Shakir even once after he left home; he never came to meet us.

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Assam pulls up socks to fight child labour

Toiling hard As per census 2011, five in every 100 children between five and 14 years in Assam are child labourers

On the occasion of World Day Against Child Labour, on June 12, this year, Assam took a leap forward to curb the growing problem of child labour in the state which is nearly five per cent, higher than states like Tamil Nadu, Punjab and Chhattisgarh.

As the world took out rallies and awareness drives to mark the day, Assam government employees did something concrete. More than four lakh employees signed a pledge for not engaging a child below 14 years or those between 14 to 18 years in hazardous work, as stipulated by the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2016. Not just that, they also promised in writing that they would use the Childline toll-free helpline number (1098) if they come across any such violation.

“This was a very significant achievement for all of us. For making a change by the government, it was decided that the government employees must take the first step and lead people against child labour,” an official from Assam Labour and Employment Department said.

Even students and teachers in all government schools in Guwahati took the pledge on June 12 during the school assembly.

“This is really a very positive step taken by the government. Once we first stop doing something illegal or unethical, we can ask others to do the same with conviction,” said Raktim Phukan, an employee of Assam State Warehousing Corporation in Guwahati. “We see many children working in tea stalls or as domestic help in our apartment. From now onwards, I have decided to inform the Childline to rescue such children so that they can be enrolled in schools run by the government under the National Child Labour Project. Most of these children belong to economically weaker section and they drop out as their parents cannot afford their education,” he said.

Child labour is a serious issue in Assam, particularly those working in tea gardens or as domestic help. The Census 2011 revealed that Assam has 3,47,353 children between the age group of 5-14 years who are engaged in some form of main or marginal work or who are seeking/ available for work. A total of 2,11,548 such children are boys. The figure is more than states like Tamil Nadu (3,21,002), Chattisgarh (2,97,535) and Punjab (2,05,847).
The step taken by Assam government can be emulated by states like Uttar Pradesh having 25,40,375 child labour (2011), Bihar (12,88,321), Rajasthan (9,60,549) and West Bengal (7,16,576).

India is one of the few countries having the largest number of child labour. According to Census of India, 2011, there are 11.72 million working children in the age group of 5-14 years, with 6.53 million boys and 5.19 million girls engaged in some form of main or marginal work or who are seeking/ available for work. Thus, 4.5 per cent of all children who are between 5- 14 years of age are engaged as child labour in the country. However, most of the adolescent workers are above 14 years and below 19 years of age. About 36.72 million of these adolescents are engaged in some form of main or marginal work or who are seeking/ available for work. This means a significant 30.5 per cent of Indian adolescents between 15 to 19 years are engaged in some form of work or are seeking/ available for work.

Most of the children, who drop out of school and look for employment often fall prey to the network of traffickers, who take them out with the promise of jobs in cities like Mumbai, Bangalore, Hyderabad and even Nepal.

Nearly 100 adolescent boys have been rescued by railway police and Childline India this year. So far many have been taken out for work in the construction industry (a hazardous industry) in Nepal. Most of them belong to Lakhimpur, Sonitpur, Udalguri, Barpeta and Kamrup districts where flood, poverty and long militancy have taken a toll on the people’s livelihoods. Girls trafficked out with the promise of jobs often fall prey to sexual exploitation and land in brothels.

The Census 2011 also had another significant finding: child labour in Assam decreased in rural areas whereas it increased in urban centres. NGOs says the problem is more serious in Guwahati, the state capital with the Childline Guwahati alone rescuing over 350 child labour in the past one year.

“Children working in tea stalls, shops or factories are visible and can be easily rescued but those working as domestic help is tough to be tracked. So,we are requesting people to use the 1098 helpline number and inform us if they come across child domestic help. The identity of the informers is always kept a secret,” said Nirmal Deka, co-ordinator of Childline, Guwahati.

Utsah, an NGO working for children in Guwahati said domestic child labourers is the most complex and difficult to identify. “Since domestic child labourers are often hidden within the private apartment and residential blocks, it becomes difficult to gauge its magnitude in the cities and towns. Now, we are trying to aware the apartment dwellers and the district administration, Unicef and the labour department will offer a child labour free certificates to the apartments after going through some parameters,” founder of the NGO, Miguel Das Queah said.

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