CCG flags rising anger over quota, economic distress in J&K

A new field report by the Concerned Citizens’ Group (CCG) has warned of a sharp rise in public anger across Jammu and Kashmir over the new reservation policy, continuing curbs on media, and deep economic distress in tourism and horticulture. 

The four-member team—former Union Minister Yashwant Sinha, Air Vice Marshal (Retd.) Kapil Kak, veteran journalist Bharat Bhushan and activist Sushobha Barve—visited the region between October 28–31 and said the situation is “much further from the truth than the one presented by the Government of India or its media in Delhi.”

The report finds widespread unrest over the new reservation policy, particularly among students who accuse the administration of ignoring their concerns. It notes that Jammu has become the “overwhelming beneficiary” of reservation certificates issued in the last two years, creating “deep regional imbalance.” The group writes that the data “is bound to reignite the debate on the new reservation policy and further fuel the anger of the students.” Students told the CCG that the House Committee formed to review the policy is biased. “So, how can we expect any justice from it?,” a student leader asked, pointing out that it “did not organise stakeholder consultations” and has “only members from the ST community.”

Discontent is not limited to the Valley. The report notes that “the 1947-48 Hindu refugees of Poonch district now settled in Jammu… have a grievance that they have been arbitrarily excluded” from the Pahari reservation category. Pahari-speakers in Ramban have similar complaints. Even among Gujjars—whose 10% reservation is unchanged—anger is growing. A Gujjar public intellectual told the group: “One would not find any Gujjar even as SHO in the 10 districts of Jammu division.” He said this sidelining was “creating disquiet but also building up anger in the community.”

On the media situation, the CCG notes there has been “no meaningful restoration of media autonomy” despite the UT assembly elections. Censorship, intimidation, and pressures to follow official narratives persist. The report says: “Operation Sindoor placed severe restrictions on media reportage and most Kashmiri journalists were not able to report about the developments on the ground.” Several reports were pulled down under pressure for contradicting the official narrative. Journalists said media control had effectively shifted to the Raj Bhavan after the DIPR chief was given additional charge there, and a media adviser to the LG has gained notoriety for “capricious decisions about giving out government ads to selected news platforms and denying it to others.”

Major national media organisations—including The Times of India, Economic Times, NDTV and The Hindu—have been denied accreditation, the group notes, adding that the Economic Times’ accreditation was “inexplicably revoked.” Journalists described denial of press passes to cover government events as “akin to deliberately sabotaging their careers.” A new verification requirement asking journalists to submit six months’ salary slips has intensified fears. Many worry they can be arbitrarily labelled part of the “terrorist ecosystem.” They cited the case of journalist Irfan Mehraj, who has been in Rohini Jail for over 1,000 days; “each time he applies for bail, he finds the judge has changed and the hearing has to begin afresh,” the report says.

The report also documents heavy economic losses after the Pahalgam terror attack, which “emptied” Kashmir of tourists “overnight.” Hotel owners, taxi operators, houseboat owners and shopkeepers suffered severe income loss, with many hoteliers forced to lay off staff. Even during Diwali, tourist traffic remained far below normal. Hoteliers are also battling a new land lease policy under which hotel lands are being auctioned instead of renewed. The group notes that “Gulmarg has been a special focus for implementation of the policy,” while expired leases in Srinagar and Jammu have drawn no such action. Owners say they are denied preference in auctions despite decades of investment.

Horticulture suffered an estimated Rs 2,000 crore loss when landslides blocked the Srinagar–Jammu highway for nearly three weeks during apple harvest. Around 4,000 trucks were stranded. “The orchardists have suffered losses of over Rs. 2000 crore this year,” the President of the Pulwama Fruit Mandi told the group. Though the government eventually deployed goods trains to move apples to Delhi and Punjab, “substantial losses had already incurred.” Jammu traders now fear economic loss because goods trains bypass their mandi. “The government is not consulting traders here before implementing important decisions,” a Jammu Chamber of Commerce member said.

Summing up, the CCG writes: “The situation on the ground, specially in the Kashmir Valley, is much further from the truth than the one presented by the Government of India or its media in Delhi.”

IIT Ropar Launches “100 Start-Ups 100 Days”

The Indian Institute of Technology Ropar has announced the launch of “100 Start-Ups 100 Days,” a national deep-tech acceleration programme officially designated as a Pre-Summit Event for the India AI Impact Summit 2026.

Scheduled for 16 December at the IIT Ropar campus, the programme will convene early-stage start-ups from across the country for an intensive day of mentoring, technology access, and innovation-driven support. The initiative was formally launched by Shrikant M. Vaidya, Former CMD of Indian Oil Corporation Limited, who served as Chief Guest; Adil Zainulbhai, Chairman of the Capacity Building Commission and the Board of Governors, IIT Ropar; and Prof. Rajeev Ahuja, Director of IIT Ropar.

The India AI Impact Summit 2026—announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the France AI Action Summit—will take place on 19–20 February 2026 in New Delhi. As the first global artificial intelligence summit hosted in the Global South, it represents a major milestone in India’s growing leadership in digital transformation, AI governance, and responsible technology development.

By hosting “100 Start-Ups 100 Days” as an official pre-summit initiative, IIT Ropar aims to directly contribute to the country’s national AI vision by strengthening deep-tech innovation pathways, supporting entrepreneurial growth, and nurturing the next generation of technology leaders capable of creating global impact.

The programme is powered by iHub AWaDH, a Technology Innovation Hub supported by the Department of Science and Technology (DST); Annam.ai, a Centre of Excellence in AI for Agriculture supported by the Ministry of Education; and the IIT Ropar Technology Business Incubator Foundation (TBIF). The initiative is further backed by a diverse group of partners including the Embassy of Israel in India, Reichman University Runway Incubator, UPES (Uttarakhand), the Centre for Computers and Communication Technology (Sikkim), ACIC GIET University Foundation (Odisha), Krishna Vishwa Vidyapeeth (Maharashtra), IIT Tirupati Navavishkar I-Hub Foundation, HDFC Bank, and Canara Bank.

Speaking about the initiative, Prof. Rajeev Ahuja said the programme will identify and cultivate promising start-ups across emerging deep-tech sectors such as AgriTech, WaterTech, IoT, and Cyber-Physical Systems. He added that more than 30 start-ups and innovators will receive grants and investments on 16 December through GENESIS, DST NM-ICPS, and Startup India.

Dr. Pushpendra P. Singh, Project Director of iHub AWaDH and Annam, highlighted that the collaborative effort by IIT Ropar, iHub AWaDH, Annam, and TBIF has already supported more than 100 start-ups with mentoring, incubation, investment, and accelerator services. The broader mission, he noted, is to build India’s national deep-tech capabilities in alignment with the goals of Atmanirbhar Bharat and Digital India.

By propelling early-stage ventures toward market-ready solutions, the initiative—and its partners including India AI, MeitY Start-up Hub, DST, and the Embassy of Israel in India—aims to accelerate India’s transition to a technology-driven, innovation-led economy.

Fault Lines in Murshidabad: How One MLA Sparked West Bengal’s Political Firestorm

Despite organisational weaknesses, the BJP remains on the offensive, while Mamata positions herself as a national-level strategist able to navigate—and control—complex political terrain.

At the center of the latest controversy is the BJP’s attempt to weaponise a Hindu–Muslim flashpoint: the proposal to construct a Babri Masjid in Murshidabad’s Bharatpur, initiated by TMC MLA Humayun Kabir. Although Kabir is not aligned with the BJP, his actions have become one of the party’s most effective political instruments. As a sitting TMC MLA, he remains bound by legislative obligations even as his political posture grows increasingly provocative.

Humayun Kabir: Profile & Ambition

A former Congress leader, Kabir has long attempted to cultivate influence among Murshidabad’s Muslim voters, historically engaging closely with Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. Although he represents Bharatpur, his call for a mosque in Beldanga appears designed to revive older Hindu–Muslim divisions there.

Once useful to TMC in countering Adhir Chowdhury, Kabir now seems intent on reclaiming political space once held by Congress. His statements have earned him substantial media exposure—amplified indirectly by the BJP—but he lacks the state-wide appeal and grassroots reach required to challenge TMC’s consolidated Muslim support.

Following warnings from senior TMC leaders including Abhishek Banerjee, Mamata Banerjee concluded that Kabir’s conduct had drifted too far from the party line. She resolved not to grant him a ticket in 2026 and was prepared to remove him even before the controversy escalated. Bobby Hakim’s public pushback in Kolkata was soon followed by Mamata’s counter-mobilisation in Murshidabad.

Anticipating fallout, Kabir sought backing from Asaduddin Owaisi, hoping to anchor a new Muslim political platform. But Owaisi has remained noncommittal, and it is unclear whether he supports Kabir’s ambition to lead a sizeable Islamic formation in Bengal.

Muslim Politics: Bengali vs Urdu-Speaking Dynamics

Can BJP use Murshidabad issue as a pan Bengal electoral issue ?

I think not really!  Because Didi’s strategy is to go to people and with her district wise organization.  She is building a campaign that it is BJP’s strategy- conspiracy to break the Muslim vote.

Even TMC is campaigning that BJP is trying to create incidents- law and order deterioration of situation- so that after imposing BJP can go for Bengal poll. However,  Muslims are more consolidated.  N block Muslim can go with TMC not with Humayun.

Muslims form about 30% of Bengal’s population, overwhelmingly Bengali-speaking, with Urdu-speaking Muslims—about 2%—concentrated in Kolkata. Bengali Muslims dominate Murshidabad and rural Bengal, while Urdu-speaking groups are more cautious in political expression.

Owaisi previously attempted direct entry into Bengal but instead works through the ISF, which itself faces internal generational and strategic divisions. Kabir is attempting to exploit these cracks to launch his new platform.

Mamata, meanwhile, has moved swiftly to block him. Bobby Hakim and other senior Muslim leaders in Kolkata have ensured that Kabir receives no urban support. Purber Kalom, a Bengali Muslim newspaper led by TMC MP Ahmed Hassan, has publicly criticised Kabir. Imran, Chair of the West Bengal Minority Commission, is also aligned with Mamata. As of now, Mamata retains broad support from the state’s Muslim leadership across academia, politics, and media.

Anti-Incumbency & Murshidabad Link

West Bengal has witnessed cycles of anti-incumbency for 15 years, and the BJP is still experimenting with strategies to decode the state’s electoral psychology. Its SIR (Security–Identity–Rights) framework, effective in Bihar, has not translated smoothly to Bengal. Hindu voters in border districts—Malda, North 24 Parganas, Bongaon—are internally fragmented. Communities like Matuas and Rajbanshis do not form a coherent bloc.

Confronted with these challenges, the BJP is keeping SIR at the core while reinforcing it with religious polarisation and a push for voter list revisions.

The Two Components of SIR

1. Voter List Revision and “Bogus Votes”
– BJP alleges the presence of bogus booths and inflated rolls.
– BLOs, however, appear resistant to Election Commission directives, unintentionally hindering BJP’s efforts.
– The BJP lacks strong booth-level agents, while TMC’s grassroots network remains dominant.
– BJP claims its workers face harassment and cannot influence BLO activity.

2. Infiltration (Ghuspatiya)
– Rooted in an RSS narrative of cross-border demographic pressure.
– BJP argues that Bangladesh must absorb its own population, and Bengal cannot bear the long-term burden.
– This argument is now tied to the Murshidabad mosque issue as part of a broader Hindu protection storyline.

Governance, Welfare, and Campaign Battlefield

Governance remains BJP’s chief line of attack against Mamata. However, welfare schemes like Swasthya Sathi and Lakshmir Bhandar continue to bolster TMC’s popularity and may expand during the upcoming campaign.

BJP’s ideological opposition to welfare risks alienating beneficiaries—even as Modi emphasises welfare narratives in BJP-ruled states. Urban middle-class discontent with alleged misgovernance and “mafia raj” remains high, but BJP’s weak ground organisation prevents effective mobilisation.

To bridge this gap, the party is increasingly leaning on anti-minority polarisation—centering Kabir, the Murshidabad controversy, and the infiltration narrative—to counter TMC’s welfare advantage.

Whether the BJP integrates Kabir into its state-wide campaign will be crucial. Modi is expected to visit Bengal in December, with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat scheduled for February 2026, signalling a renewed push. The BJP’s challenge remains insufficient media reinforcement.

Large religious events like the recent “Gita Path,” allegedly involving five lakh participants, indicate intensified cultural mobilisation by BJP and RSS. TMC counters with a narrative of Bengal’s pluralistic heritage, arguing that sectarian politics is alien to Bengal’s culture and that BJP is importing divisive practices. It invokes Bengal’s intellectual lineage—from Rammohan Roy to Vivekananda—to oppose the BJP’s Hindutva agenda.

J&K hit by 86% rain deficit as water bodies dry up

Jammu and Kashmir is in the grip of an unusually long dry spell, with the region recording an 86 percent rainfall deficit between November 1 and December 9, according to data from the Meteorological Department.

According to a report from Srinagar, the Union Territory has received just 6.1 mm of rainfall during this period, against the normal average of 43.1 mm, marking one of the driest starts to winter in recent years. The deficit stands at 82.6 percent in the Jammu division and 82.1 percent in the Kashmir division.

District-level data shows widespread shortfalls. In Kashmir, Kulgam and Shopian recorded the highest deficits at 90.5 percent, followed by Ganderbal (88%), Baramulla (87.7%), Bandipora (81.5%), Budgam (77.5%), Kupwara (77.4%), Anantnag (75.5%), and Pulwama (60.7%).

Srinagar alone reported a deficit of 83.3 percent.

In Jammu division, Kathua and Kishtwar posted a full 100 percent deficit. Other districts also reported sharp shortfalls, including Rajouri (93.5%), Poonch (90.4%), Doda (90.2%), Samba (88%), Udhampur (83.1%), Ramban (72.9%), and Reasi (31.2%).

Jammu district recorded a 71.5 percent deficit.

The extended dry weather has begun affecting water bodies across the region. The water level of the Jhelum at Sangam has fallen to –0.59 feet, slipping below the zero-gauge mark. Tributaries such as the Vaishaw, Brengi, Sandran, Veth-Vethastu, Aaripal, Tongri, and Romshi are flowing well below normal, with some sections drying up completely.

Several areas are already reporting drinking water shortages, and the situation is expected to worsen if the dry spell continues. The lack of moisture has also contributed to a rise in forest fire incidents, particularly in vulnerable zones.

Cold wave grips J&K, snowfall likely from Dec 13

Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh remained in the grip of a severe cold wave on Monday, even as the Meteorological Centre, Srinagar, predicted partly to generally cloudy weather over the next few days and indicated the likelihood of light snowfall in mid-December.

According to the MeT, the weather is expected to stay partly cloudy on December 8 and generally cloudy on December 9. From December 10 to 12, no significant weather activity is forecast, with the sky likely to remain partly cloudy.

However, the department said a change in conditions is expected thereafter. Light snowfall is likely over the higher reaches of north and central Kashmir between December 13 and 15. The weather is expected to turn partly cloudy again from December 16 to 18.

Between December 19 and 21, J&K may experience mixed weather conditions, with cloudy skies and the possibility of light snowfall over some higher areas.

Even before the anticipated snowfall, most parts of the region recorded freezing temperatures. In Kashmir, Shopian was the coldest at –4.2°C, followed by Budgam, Pulwama, and Baramulla, which all recorded minimum temperatures of –3.1°C.

Srinagar settled at –2.4°C, while the airport area dipped to –3.2°C. Gulmarg recorded –2.5°C and Sonamarg –2.8°C.
Qazigund and Kupwara registered –1.2°C, Pampore –2°C, Bandipora –2.2°C, and Awantipora and Anantnag –1.4°C each. Kokernag was the only major south Kashmir station above freezing at 0.1°C, while Kulgam recorded 0.8°C.

Cold conditions also prevailed in the Jammu region. Udhampur was the coldest at 2°C, followed by Rajouri at 1.8°C and Samba at 2.7°C. Jammu city recorded 7.9°C and the airport area 9°C. Katra settled at 9.6°C, while Kathua recorded 7.8°C. Bhaderwah recorded 2.6°C, Banihal 4.5°C, Batote 5.8°C, Ramban 5.6°C, Reasi 6.5°C, and Doda and Kishtwar 5°C each.

In Ladakh, the cold wave was more severe, with Leh recording –6.2°C, Kargil –5°C, and Nubra Valley –3.7°C.

Despite the ongoing chill, the MeT has forecast mainly dry weather across J&K and Ladakh over the next 24 hours, ahead of the expected change in weather patterns later this month.

IndiGo hopes to stabilise operations by Dec 10 but uncertainty remains

The airline says it hopes to fully stabilise operations by December 10 with the IndiGo CEO Pieter Elbers today in an internal video message to staff disclosing that the airline will operate around 1,650 flights during the day and on Time Performance (OTP) is expected to be around 75 per cent. 

The DGCA has given the CEO 24 hours to respond to the show-cause notice. The week-long turbulence in India’s aviation sector intensified after the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) issued a show-cause notice to IndiGo CEO Pieter Elbers, demanding an explanation for the massive operational meltdown that has crippled air travel across the country for six consecutive days.

The notice comes amid one of the most severe disruptions India’s domestic skies have witnessed in recent years — a crisis that traces its origins to simmering tensions between IndiGo and its pilots over new flight-duty-time limitations (FDTL) and alleged scheduling overload.

Genesis of crisis

Trouble began late last week when a sizeable section of IndiGo’s pilots reportedly reported sick simultaneously, protesting what they termed an “unsustainable” roster driven by the newly implemented FDTL norms. The updated regulations mandate more rest hours for cockpit crew to prevent fatigue — a global safety requirement that India adopted earlier this year.

While the rules were designed to improve safety, pilots argued that IndiGo’s transitional planning was inadequate, leaving them with compressed schedules and last-minute duty changes. The situation escalated when negotiations between the pilots and the airline failed to make headway, triggering a coordinated “sickout,” which rapidly spread across bases in Delhi, Mumbai, Hyderabad and Bengaluru.

As absences surged, IndiGo began cancelling flights at short notice. With crew assigned to specific aircraft and routes, the sudden shortage triggered a domino effect — grounded aircraft meant lost rotations, which in turn disrupted connecting flights and stranded passengers across the network.

The chain reaction that followed

Within 48 hours, IndiGo had cancelled hundreds of flights, struggling to piece together crew rosters. The cancellations spilled into the third and fourth day, eventually forcing the airline to cut down its schedule drastically. What began as a technical workforce dispute had quickly evolved into a nationwide travel crisis.

As aircraft accumulated at airports without adequate crew to operate them, other departments — ground handling, baggage teams and customer service desks — became overwhelmed. At several airports, passengers waited for hours to retrieve bags from flights that never departed, as luggage had to be manually sorted and re-routed.

Passenger distress grows

By midweek, scenes of crowds gathering at terminal counters became commonplace. Passengers complained of missing luggage, delayed refunds and a lack of real-time communication from the airline. Many were compelled to buy tickets on other carriers, only to discover that fares had surged due to the sudden spike in demand.

Business travellers lost meetings, families were stranded during holiday travel, and some flyers spent nights in lounges after being unable to find alternate options.

DGCA steps in

With frustration mounting, the DGCA summoned IndiGo and issued a strongly worded show-cause notice to CEO Pieter Elbers. The regulator has accused the airline of inadequate contingency planning despite knowing that the FDTL transition was imminent. It has also questioned why reserve crew and backup scheduling systems failed at such scale, and why passengers were left without timely assistance.

The civil aviation ministry, stepping in amid public anger, ordered IndiGo to expedite refunds, clear baggage backlogs and suspend all rescheduling or cancellation fees for affected travellers. Fare caps were temporarily introduced on select routes to prevent price manipulation by other airlines.

Uncertainty persists

IndiGo has stated that it is gradually rebuilding its schedule and expects stability “soon,” though insiders suggest it may take several more days for rotations and rosters to return to normal, even if pilot attendance improves.

Talks with pilot representatives have resumed, and officials close to the discussions indicate that some progress has been made — raising hopes that the crisis may finally be easing.

For now, however, thousands of travellers remain wary as the airline works to restore normalcy. The DGCA’s upcoming decision on IndiGo’s explanation will determine whether further punitive action is taken — and may shape how airlines prepare for regulatory transitions in the future.

PUTI – NAMO a new diplomacy?

This global geopolitical moment is extremely complex. The Modi-Putin summit is currently a hot topic in diplomatic discourse. The Modi-Putin Summit has resulted in the ‘PutinNamo,’ a new well-liked alliance. What did Puti Namo provide us?

Both sides were required to maintain strategic autonomy. Putin is eager to dispel the perception of isolation in the wake of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Additionally, they don’t want to come across as unduly dependent on China. Additionally, India is currently involved in a complex negotiation, which has placed it in a challenging diplomatic position. India wants to finalise the trade package with the US as soon as possible, and negotiations are ongoing with the United States. It was clear that Putin and Modi frequently touched on the topic of Ukraine during their recent conversation. Modi reaffirmed India’s support for any peace initiatives, saying, “India is not neutral, but India is for peace; we welcome this.”

In defiance of standard diplomatic protocol, Modi accepted Putin’s offer by travelling to the airport, riding in a car with him, taking selfies, and more. Not just in India, but throughout the world, these body language and gestures have had a significant influence.

Russia’s ties to China are a frequent concern for the West, India, and especially the United States. Therefore, in this context, both Moscow and Delhi have expressed their desire to accelerate bilateral ties through a migration and mobility agreement, a program for the development of strategic economic collaboration, and diversifying the economic basket beyond defence and energy. All of these are crucial and long overdue, particularly in the areas of defence and energy, though there is a careful stocktaking, and India wants Russia to expedite the delivery of military hardware that has been greatly delayed. Particularly in the context of Trumpian America and revisionist China, Russian assistance is crucial. India maintains its connections with both of these nations with extreme caution.

The complex international relationship comes next. I believe that Narendra Modi’s aggressive diplomacy was necessary and is a positive tactic to improve relations with Russia. Below is a step-by-step breakdown of the strategy.

1. Trumpian America is currently one of India’s most challenging clients. Trump is pursuing isolationist policies, as we are working on a trade agreement. He didn’t give much thought to relations with other nations, including Russia, and Trump ordered India to cease importing oil from Russia before he would relax his stance on trade with India. However, India has often stated that it does not wish to sever its traditional ties with Russia. This connection is crucial to India’s geostrategic position and has a badge of history.

2. Although China and the United States are perceived by the public as having a tense relationship, there is access between China and Russia. Besides, the relationship between China and India is also not favourable. Additionally, the way the undercurrents are spreading throughout India’s neighbours is extremely harmful. In addition to Bangladesh, the consequences have extended to Myanmar and the Maldives. Bangladesh has become problematic due to the Pakistan ISI chief’s frequent visits, the Pakistani army’s dominance over Bangladesh, and Pakistan’s and Bangladesh’s quick efforts to strengthen their ties while concurrently maintaining ties with China. Why would India jeopardise its relationship with Russia at such a critical juncture? India’s strategy has traditionally focused on establishing and preserving positive ties with other countries.

During the Cold War, the US and the USSR were at odds with one another. However, the same Cold War scenario is currently being redeveloped once more, pitting America against China.

In addition, America is not only controlling India but also has adversarial relations with the European Union, Europe, and even Canada, an old ally of the United States. India would be irresponsible to jeopardise the India-Russian partnership in this circumstance. However, Russia and America also have differences; thus, creating a polycentric world is preferable to a bipolar one. Russia and other European nations are reacting more strongly to Trump’s diplomatic attempt to introduce a concept similar to the G20, which is G2 with China. Even though Europe is backing Ukraine in the conflict with Russia, bringing Putin to India was probably not a very pleasant thing for Europe. However, Europe understands that maintaining relations with Russia is crucial for dealing with America.

Therefore, Modi performed the balancing act flawlessly.

3. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who concluded his two-day visit to India, has every reason to return to Moscow with a bright smile. Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, has every cause to return to Moscow grinning after his two-day visit to India. Putin being received by the Prime Minister of India and riding back to the official residence with the host himself is a very significant act for a leader facing international isolation and sanctions, and it has been widely publicised in various Western capitals. Therefore, Putin would have liked both the positional images of his visit and his substantive results.

4. Europe is the most upset with India’s red carpet welcome to Putin at a time when he is intensifying the conflict in Ukraine. However, Europe is more concerned about the US’s unpredictability and its persistent bullying of Ukraine. Taking into account every facet of India’s actions, the country has extensive experience navigating challenging geopolitical environments with shifting implications and protecting its strategic autonomy as a guiding principle, as demonstrated during Putin’s visit. Thus, India-Russian relations are still strengthened by their past link. Additionally, there are platforms, such as nuclear submarines, which have anti-missile capabilities. Therefore, the only nation that shares technology with India is Russia.

Indo-Russian Ties : Putin’s Visit & the Changing Global Order

Vladimir Putin’s arrival in India for the annual summit with Prime Minister Narendra Modi signals a defining moment in global diplomacy. As world politics undergoes a profound transformation—with the Ukraine conflict reshaping energy routes, Western sanctions weaponising global finance, and new coalitions like BRICS expanding their influence—the India–Russia partnership stands out as one of the few enduring, interest-driven relationships capable of influencing the broader geopolitical landscape.

The President of India, Droupadi Murmu, too received Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation, at Rashtrapati Bhavan and also hosted a banquet in his honour. Both leaders expressed confidence that the friendship between our two countries, which has been steadfast for many years, will continue to prosper for many more to come.

Welcoming President Putin and his delegation to Rashtrapati Bhavan, the President said that his visit marks an important milestone: the 25th anniversary of the India-Russia Strategic Partnership, which was established in October 2000 during his first visit to India as President. She appreciated President Putin’s support and personal commitment to the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.   She noted that our partnership is guided by a shared commitment to peace, stability, and mutual socio-economic and technological advancement.

At the heart of this visit is defence cooperation, the long-standing foundation of Indo–Russian ties. For decades, over half of India’s military platforms have been Russian-made, and the relationship has evolved from a simple buyer–seller dynamic to deep co-development. Joint projects like BrahMos have demonstrated the high level of strategic trust between the two nations. With new variants, extended ranges, precision upgrades, and emerging cooperation in hypersonic technologies, the defence partnership is entering a new technological era. Discussions on expanding India’s air defence grid and deeper cooperation in fighter aviation and submarine technologies reflect a commitment to long-term strategic synergy.

By welcoming these defence engagements at the highest level, India reinforces its strategic autonomy. Even as New Delhi builds strong ties with the United States and participates in the QUAD, it has refused to allow any power to dictate its Russia policy. This multi-alignment approach sends a clear global message: India will not be boxed into ideological blocs. Instead, it will maintain diversified defence partnerships that strengthen its national security architecture. For Russia, India’s continued defence interest ensures Moscow retains leverage in Asia and prevents it from becoming overly dependent on China, subtly altering the global power balance.

Yet the true transformation of Indo–Russian relations is unfolding in trade, tariffs, energy flows, and emerging economic systems. Over the past few years, bilateral trade has surged, driven mainly by India’s imports of discounted Russian crude oil, fertilisers, coal, and essential minerals. Russia’s redirection of energy exports toward Asia has created a unique opportunity for India to secure long-term energy supplies at competitive prices. This shift is as much geopolitical as it is economic. By purchasing Russian oil despite Western disapproval, India has asserted its sovereignty and shielded its economy from inflationary pressures.

However, this surge in trade has exposed a persistent imbalance. India exports comparatively little to Russia, resulting in large rupee surpluses in Russian banks. Putin’s visit is expected to address this imbalance through currency settlements, improved logistics, tariff rationalisation, and targeted export promotion. Exploring rupee–rouble or local currency settlements could reduce reliance on the dollar-based system vulnerable to sanctions. Increased market access for Indian pharmaceuticals, machinery, agricultural products, and IT services could also help correct the trade imbalance.

On a broader scale, these shifts suggest a move away from the dollar-centric financial order. India and Russia are exploring new economic pathways that could inspire the wider BRICS and Global South to build alternate payment systems. Such mechanisms will bolster economic sovereignty for both nations, allowing them to navigate Western-led trade politics more effectively.

Cultural cooperation remains the heart of the India–Russia relationship. Long before defence agreements and energy deals, cinema, literature, and music formed the foundation of their bond. Raj Kapoor’s films once packed Soviet theatres; Russian classics like Tolstoy and Dostoevsky deeply influenced Indian writers. This cultural bridge persists through festivals, academic exchanges, theatre collaborations, language programmes, and cultural delegations. Putin’s visit presents an opportunity to modernise these engagements, leveraging digital platforms, co-productions, and museum partnerships.

A rapidly expanding pillar of Indo-Russian cooperation is educational and human resource exchange. Russia has opened its universities and labor markets to Indian students and skilled workers, particularly in medicine, engineering, IT, and construction. This human exchange will form the bedrock for long-term cooperation, as India also offers expertise in digital governance, fintech, and cybersecurity.

In conclusion, Putin’s visit is far more than ceremonial; it carries deep strategic significance for both nations. For India, it reaffirms that national interest—not external pressure—will guide its foreign policy. For Russia, it signals that despite the West’s attempts at isolation, Moscow retains strong, sovereign partners across the globe. As both countries navigate a multipolar world, their cooperation will not only strengthen their individual positions but also shape the future of global power dynamics.

*Dr. Anil Singh is Editor, STAR Views & Editorial Advisor, Top Story; Author of “The Prime Minister: Discourses in Indian Polity*

Aspirants Demand Re-evaluation as Only 151 Clear HPSC Assistant Professor (English) Exam for 613 Posts

A fresh storm has erupted over the Haryana Public Service Commission’s (HPSC) Assistant Professor (English) recruitment after only 151 candidates qualified for 613 vacancies, prompting widespread demands for re-evaluation and triggering protests in Panchkula.

On Wednesday, dozens of aspirants gathered outside the HPSC office, staging a peaceful demonstration by lying on the ground with folded hands — a symbolic appeal for fairness and transparency.

Shortlisting Far Below Expected Ratio

According to the recruitment notification, HPSC was to shortlist candidates at a 2:1 ratio, meaning 1,226 candidates should have advanced to the next stage. Instead, the Commission’s list features barely one-eighth of that number, raising serious questions over the evaluation process.

More than 2,400 candidates had appeared for the descriptive Stage-2 exam. Many say they wrote well-structured, academically rigorous responses, yet only a fraction managed to secure the minimum qualifying score of 35%.

Category-Wise Results Raise Alarms

Recruitment activist Shweta Dhull called the outcome “deeply unsettling” and symptomatic of serious procedural flaws. She urged HPSC to have the answer sheets re-evaluated by experts from a central university to restore credibility.

The category-wise breakdown reveals startling gaps:

  • General Category: 136 selected for 312 posts
  • Deprived SC: 1 selected for 60 posts
  • Other SC: 2 selected for 60 posts
  • BC-B: 3 selected for 36 posts
  • BC-A: 3 selected for 85 posts
  • EWS: 6 selected for 60 posts

“These numbers point to systemic issues rather than candidate competence,” Dhull said, noting that many rejected applicants are NET-qualified, hold PhDs, or have strong academic records.

Aspirants Cite ‘Arbitrariness,’ Question Evaluation

Aggrieved candidates have demanded that HPSC:

  • Re-verify the evaluation methodology
  • Recheck tabulation and compilation of marks
  • Ensure compliance with the notified shortlisting criteria

Many argue that eliminating NET-qualified and PhD-holding candidates through stringent written-exam cutoffs violates constitutional protections under Articles 14 and 16, which mandate fairness and non-arbitrariness in public employment.

High Screening Scores, but Failed in Final Exam

Frustration grew after numerous high scorers from the screening test failed to qualify in the final written exam.

A PhD holder said, “I scored 77 out of 100 in the screening test, while the general cut-off was 66. My master’s percentage is 62, yet I was declared unsuccessful.”

Another aspirant added, “Candidates who scored in the 90s in the screening exam have not made the list. HPSC must release answer sheets and disclose the evaluation method.”

Several candidates say they plan to approach the Punjab and Haryana High Court, citing lack of transparency and non-disclosure of marks for unsuccessful candidates.

HPSC Defends Process

HPSC officials, however, stood by the results. A senior officer said all 15 descriptive questions were evaluated by the same expert to ensure uniformity.

“Our process is transparent and fair. Descriptive answers are an accurate measure of subject knowledge,” the official said.

Challenges & Priorities for CJI Surya Kant: A Critical Juncture for the Judiciary

As Justice Surya Kant has assumed office as the Chief Justice of India (CJI), he steps into one of the most critical roles in the Indian judiciary at a time when the system faces mounting challenges. The path ahead for CJI Surya Kant is fraught with issues ranging from massive case backlogs to safeguarding judicial independence, and from reforming judicial processes to ensuring access to justice for marginalized communities.

One of the most immediate and daunting challenges is the staggering judicial backlog. With over 4.7 crore cases pending across the country, delays in the justice system have become an endemic issue. This has contributed to a growing public perception that justice is elusive for the common man. As CJI, Surya Kant will need to champion reforms that enhance the efficiency of the court system. This includes expanding bench strength, implementing more effective case management strategies, and furthering the digitalization of court processes to expedite hearings.

Alongside this, CJI Surya Kant will need to fiercely protect the independence of the judiciary. In a climate where the lines between the executive, legislature, and judiciary are often blurred, maintaining judicial autonomy is an ongoing challenge. Given Surya Kant’s reputation for upholding constitutional values, his leadership will likely continue to advocate for judicial independence and push back against any encroachment on the judiciary’s domain, especially in contentious cases involving public interest.

The transparency and efficiency of judicial appointments, which have long been a source of contention, will demand attention. Though the collegium system has come under scrutiny, any reform must balance transparency with preserving judicial independence. CJI Surya Kant’s leadership could be pivotal in driving meaningful reforms that ensure the judicial system is both transparent and meritocratic.

The issue of access to justice for marginalized and economically disadvantaged communities remains a critical concern. Despite the growing role of the judiciary in social transformation, millions of Indians still face significant barriers in accessing legal remedies. His focus on making justice more affordable and accessible will be a key indicator of his commitment to social justice.

Virtual hearings and online filing systems have proven to be effective in maintaining judicial functions during a crisis. However, technological advancements must be made accessible to all, particularly in rural areas where the digital divide remains a significant hurdle. CJI Surya Kant’s continued focus on integrating technology into the legal system, while ensuring inclusivity, will likely be one of the defining aspects of his tenure.

While Tehelka’s cover story AI: A Double-Edged Sword!”, finds out howAI can usher in an era of prosperity but if left unchecked, its potential for harm could outweigh its advantages not only limited to privacy breaches or misinformation, our Special Investigation Team investigates how Delhi Red Fort blast has open a pandora box, especially for the doctors who were trained from Pakistan. Agents, caught on Tehelka’s camera, confirm how they had sent aspirants to Pakistan for the MBBS degree on Hurriyat recommendations.

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