As the country reels under the shock of multiple bank frauds and thepotential impact of lakhs of crores of bad loans in the banking system, the All India Bank Officers’ Confederation (AIBOC) has asked the government to stop the blame game in bank frauds and instead make the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) take responsibility for introducing new systems and for failure in bank supervision.
Regulatory agencies, including the central bank, need to become more vigilant and the role of auditors needs to be probed further. Banks are already being audited multiple times and, hence, there is need for a regulatory agency to make sure that auditors are playing their due role. As the Nirav Modi-Punjab National Bank (PNB) scam unfolds, it is clear that those who were to monitor transactions failed at their job.
It must be recalled that one of the fallouts of the scandal surrounding the US energy company Enron was the closure of reputed accounting firm Arthur Andersen. In our country too, stern action must be taken against auditing agencies. At the same time, greater autonomy needs to be given to state-run banks. The issue of appointments of bank chiefs, for instance, is a key issue meant to be handled by the relatively new Banks Board Bureau. Instead, it seems to remain within the purview of the Finance Ministry. All these issues will now have to be reviewed and overhauled in light of the worsening news from banks.
The Bank Officers Confederation had earlier objected to banks being burdened with the responsibility of Aadhaar enrolment, which is now a bigger and more dangerous issue given the impunity with which bank officials have participated in fraud. However, the Bank Officers Confederation has a different take and makes some important points about the accountability of regulators and the government.
DT Franco, General Secretary of AIBOC, said, “Much is talked and written about scams in the banking sector after the Nirav Modi scam in Punjab National Bank (PNB). Why do the RBI, Finance Ministry, Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) and others wake up only when a major scam surfaces? Why are we not analyzing the failure of the system? What is the role of the Government and its policies which cause system failures and scams?” There have been infamous scams such as those pertaining to Harshad Mehta, Ketan Parekh and the non-performing asset (NPA) scam, which have not yet been declared as ‘scams’ by the Government or the RBI due to misuse of the loopholes in the system. „In India, the political economy circumscribes the quality of regulation and internal control policies at banks. It is important to appreciate this while fixing responsibility for the bad loans and large frauds at public sector banks (PSBs),“ observed the AIBOC .
About the misuse of letters of undertaking (LoU) in the recent Nirav Modi fraud case, Franco said, „In this case, when a buyer’s credit is available for importers, then why did the RBI introduce LoUs, which is not in vogue among foreign banks? What was the necessity for RBI to encourage imports by helping the borrower to get cheaper credit abroad instead of helping Indian Banks to increase them credits that would give better taxes for the country? It is a well-known fact that the SWIFT has been used for frauds from the nineties and there are many reported hacks of SWIFT. Why did the RBI and the Government not intervene to correct the system? What happened to supervision and audit? Why did the RBI failed in supervision? Is it because the RBI has been busy with other things like demonetisation? They are still counting the notes even after a year! Has RBI lost its autonomy?” The bank officers also raised several questions on transfer and appointment of another person as Managing Director at PNB, while it is the job of the Banking Board’s Bureau headed by Vinod Rai to make such appointments.
Explaining reasons for weak supervision in banks, AIBOC said, “Why are banks forced into other activities like Aadhaar linkage, Aadhaar enrolment, selling pension scheme of the Government and cross-selling. These are major reasons for weakening supervision. Why is the RBI still hesitant to publish list of defaulters and thus allowing them to run away from the country. Why does the Prime Minister take with him on foreign tours businessmen who are known for misuse of the system? Why do the same set of businessmen get contracts abroad? Why are these businessmen showcased abroad and why are they selected by the Prime Minister’s Officer (PMO) and Finance Ministry instead of industry associations, which was the practise earlier?”
Accordion to AIBOC, only 11,643 borrowers in the country have availed 38 per cent of the total loans given by banking sector as on March 2016. Just 12 NPA accounts have an outstanding of 2.50 lakh crore and 84 per cent of the NPAs belong to corporates. Every year banks writeoff thousands of crores for there corporates, which is the biggest scam. The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the Associations of Chambers of Commerce of India (Assocham) should ask their members to be honest and repay the loans instead of demanding privatisation.”
Blaming the RBI for not publishing list of NPA borrowers and introducing new mechanism to help corporates, the bank officers’ union says, “The RBI is the one which introduced Corporate Debt Restructuring (CDR), Strategic Debt Restructuring (SDR), Sustainable Structuring of Stressed Assets or S4A, asset quality review (AQR) and Prompt Corrective Action (PCA). None of them have helped the banks but they have helped the corporates to loot. With the revised norms the banks will have to declare 2 lakh crore more as NPAs and provide 50 per cent provision for them. This is going to make all the banks in the country to become red. This will lead to a financial crisis like the US crisis of 2008. The Government may announce a financial emergency and handover banks to the corporates. This will be a danger to democracy itself.”
“Despite a sticky systemic NPA issue with PSB for five years, we have had no run on a bank, no stress in
the money markets and limited impact on growth. While there are many reasons for this, a big reason has been state ownership of the banking system. It has meant that bank liabilities have implicit sovereign guarantee, which maintained confidence of the markets in the banking system,” it added.
Privatisation opposed
Opposing the talk about privatisation of PSBs, the bank officers confederation says, “We need better banking, better reporting, better supervision and better technology in aid of these. What we need is to ignore the cry to privatise PSBs, as if ownership uniquely determines ethics and efficiency. The popular chestnut is that PSBs are structurally vulnerable to poor governance, resulting in the run-up inNPAs. Data, yet again, militate against the hypothesis. While theremight be cases of fraudulent behaviour, they are not the overwhelmingcause for the accretion of NPAs in PSB. Second, cases of governancebreakdowns are not a monopoly of PSB — globally and in India, manyprivately-owned banks have been regularly identified with such errors of omission and commissions. Global regulatory fines on banks run into many billions of dollars every year.”
The Economic Survey 2016-17 studied the causes of the large NPA build-up in PSB. A very large part of it can be attributed to a growth—induced credit bubble, followed by macroeconomic and regulatory issues that burst the bubble rudely. Corruption and malfeasance were not identified as a key variable. In 2008, a raft of European and American banks, all privately owned, had to be bailed out by governments. The list of institutions bailed out included some of the best known brands in the business. The financial crisis of 2007-08 was the result not of public sector sloth and corruption but of private sector greed and poor regulation. Lehman Brothers went belly up, without any state ownership. Royal Bank of Scotland and Barclays avoided collapse by taking government equity.
“It is not ownership but the quality of regulation, reporting andmanagement that determine banking efficiency. Closer home,privately-owned Global Trust Bank and Bank of Rajasthan had to berescued with state support. The reason for the above is quite simple — banking isn’t the same as soaps, or steel, or hotels,” the bankofficers’ confederation said. According to AIBOC, banking bailouts inIndia have been quite modest in terms of their impact, both in termsof direct fiscal costs as well as indirect costs to the economy. AnIMF Working Paper on Systemic Banking Crisis, covering all banking andsovereign crises between 1970 and 2011, brings out the data starkly.
The average fiscal cost of bank bailouts across the world was 6.8 per cent of GDP between 1970 and 2011. For emerging economies, the cost was 10 per cent of GDP. For India, in the same period, bank bailouts cost far less than 1 per cent of GDP, a negligible amount. “The current PSB recapitalisation plan announced by the government, amounting to Rs 2.11 lakh crore over two years, would account for less than 0.5 per cent of current year GDP, and less than 0.25 per cent annualised for two years. Further, India’s bank bailouts have extracted far less cost out of the Indian economy than bank stress situations elsewhere,” AIBOC added.
Those who insist on privatisation of public sector banks opine that bank operations are overly controlled by the government, leading to their manipulation by powerful political lobbies. Public sector banks are indeed vulnerable to pulls and pressures from the government and tempted by manipulative corporates. These may have created many lacunas in the banking system which can be exploited by some greedy businessmen in connivance with a handful of corrupt bankers. But these fractures in the structures of public sector banks need to be repaired rather than resorting to privatisation.
The recession was primarily the result of the international financial institutions which failed and at the time were in the private sector. This includes the iconic Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns which collapsed while others like Merrill Lynch, AIG, and the mortgage lending institutions, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, had to be rescued by the state. Apart from the 2008 financial crisis, there have been many instances of bank frauds leading to closures such as Barings Bank which had to down shutters due to the activity of a single rogue trader. Officials of Barclays Bank of the UK are reported to be only now facing fraud charges over activities carried out in 2008. The private sector banks or the new generation banks are certainly not the holy cows immune to the same problems that plague the public sector entities. Private banks, too, have their share of bad loans.
The recent half-year financial stability report by the RBI noted that the rate of increase of NPAs was 40.8 per cent for private sector banks as against 17 per cent for public sector banks on a year-on-year basis in September 2017. It also disclosed that all top private sector lenders, including ICICI Bank, Axis Bank, Yes Bank and HDFC Bank, had under-reported their dud assets in the first two quarters of the fiscal. In other words, the private banks renowned for their speed and efficiency in contrast to the tortoise-like pace of the state-owned banks are in the grip of the same malaise of mounting bad loans as the latter.
What the Govt needs to do
Privatisation, then, is not the over-arching solution to all the woes facing the government-owned bank industry. It is undoubtedly true that a major restructuring is needed in the operations and performance levels of these banks. The government needs to take up the issue of reviving the banking sector in all seriousness. Privatisation is surely not the way forward. But steps to improve governance standards need to be taken immediately to cleanse and revive this crucial sector of the economy.
Why PSB’s?
It is worth mentioning that ever since the Indian government nationalised the Imperial Bank of India in 1955 and re-christened it State Bank of India, public sector banks (PSBs) have continued to be of immense systemic importance. This was further reinforced during the nationalisation of banks in 1969 and again in 1980.
Today, despite their shrinking market share, PSBs continue to be very important for the economy, particularly one like India. With their widespread and far-reaching network, PSBs are the only source of financial connectivity for large swathes of the population, mobilising deposits as well as providing credit for productive sectors. These banks have been the backbone of the financial social agenda for the government, including being the frontrunners of the Jan Dhan Yojana.
In any particular rural area, the role of a PSB is not confined to banking but encompasses a more holistic developmental agenda. They are the one-stop shop for all financial needs of the local rural populace including insurance, financial literacy, remittance amongst others.
The strong uptake of payment banks licence indicates the vast unmet demand that still exists in India’s rural areas and provides a significant opportunity for PSBs to capture this. Clearly, the importance of PSBs in India even today cannot be belittled. The Indian economy needs a strong banking system to continue and expand on the current growth trajectory and the PSBs play a significant role in this. As the bulwark of financial services available to India’s rural masses, PSBs form the backbone of the growth emanating from India’s villages.
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From Kohima to Kutch, Saffron all the way!
The Saffron Surge
Sources within the BJP rank the party’s recent victory in the North-East as its most significant electoral story since it won the 2014 Parliamentary elections. Some political observers opine that most of BJP’s electoral gains in the North-East region had started manifesting in 2016 when the party won Assam for the first time in 2016 and Manipur for the first time in 2017 and in Arunachal Pradesh where the BJP came to power in 2016 by engineering a large defection from the Congress. With regard to significance of the BJP’s electoral victory in the North-East, some experts give credence to party president Amit Shah’s interview to a national daily in early January this year where he had said that his party was expected to win more Lok Sabha seats in the North-East than it had in 2014, when it had won 10. These experts further opine that it would perhaps help the BJP offset some of the losses it is bound to suffer in the Hindi belt (Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh) where it won 149 seats out of a total of 160 the last time.
The electoral victory in the North-East assumes special significance for the BJP because it comes against the run of play in recent months when the party returned to power in Gujarat but with a significantly reduced majority in terms of seats while retaining its vote share and lost by-elections to two Lok Sabha seats in Rajasthan. The BJP has pinned high hopes on Karnataka (where elections are due soon) and Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where elections will be held towards the end of 2018. Going by the tone and tenor of BJP’s government formations in the North-Eastern states, some experts call it Congress-isation of the BJP because from Arunachal Pradesh to Manipur, and now in Meghalaya and Nagaland, the BJP has used the opportunist’s rulebook for somehow getting into the driver’s seat.
While pointing out inability of the BJP to cobble a joint declaration with its alliance partner in Tripura, many experts also opine that the party played both sides of the fence in Nagaland and then picked up the one with the higher number of legislators and in Meghalaya, with just two seats to boast of, it played the kingmaker with its bag of tricks and opportunistic stabling with parties aggressively seeking the redrawing of boundaries with neighbouring states, also controlled by the BJP. Cautioning that an unscrupulous approach to power will complicate governance in the North-East, experts also warn that the BJP will have to grapple with pressing sub-local concerns, such as influx of contiguous tribes, overlapping claims for land, balancing the aspirations of identity and development among indigenous tribal and non-tribal population. These experts also bemoan the fact that rather than a healthy, incorruptible and forward-looking alternative, the BJP has cast itself in the same mould as its bête noire, the Congress.
Third Front
The BJP’s juggernaut of electoral triumph has spurred many regional satraps to call for the formation of a Third Front – an alliance of non-BJP and non-Congress parties. Such an idea is already floating in Karnataka where JD (S), BSP, NCP and the Left parties are contemplating in this regard and the latest to give such a call is Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR), who is reportedly seeking to give the 2019 Assembly elections in Telangana a national perspective.
According to media reports, KCR is anxious to usher in “qualitative change in the country’s politics” by calling for a non-Congress, non-BJP platform entailing TRS, TDP, YSRCP, DMK and Kamal Haasan’s fledgling party in Tamil Nadu, the Left in Kerala, and possibly JD(S) in Karnataka. While averring that KCR has revived the idea of a coalition led by southern regional parties to halt the BJP’s ingress into the south, some political observers say KCR appears to be working on the assumption that anti-incumbency in many BJP-ruled states will not fetch it an absolute majority in 2019, so a Third Front would be in a position to form the government at the Centre. While recalling the role of TDP founder late N T Rama Rao in stitching together such a front, called the National Front, in 1989, one analyst says that the rise of BJP in the North-East has forced regional party leaders like KCR to plan a strategy to counter the BJP in their states.
Many political analysts feel that the so-called Third Front comprising regional satraps from the South cannot stop BJP’s political juggernaut in 2019 and coming together of regional parties from the Hindi-speaking states is indispensable. The recent bonhomie between the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Samajwadi Party (SP) for the parliamentary by-elections for Gorakhpur and Phulpur seats held on March 11 is a good beginning if it succeeds. The Congress offer of support was spurned by the Samajwadi Party. Ensuing assembly polls in Karnataka will also be a litmus test for the viability of the Third Front.
Congress’ Conundrum
Startling continuous fall in electoral fortunes of the Congress is attributable to a vast array of factors like disconnect with the masses, organizational weakness, paucity of fiscal resources, mass desertion of regional level leaders to the BJP, etc. According to one opinion, being in the Opposition at the Centre makes the Congress less attractive for local political elites. Some experts point out inability of the Congress high command to revitalize the party in states where it is not in power. It invested its energy in Gujarat and managed to reap good dividends and now it is concentrating its focus on Karnataka and hopes to fare better. It should have invested similar energy in the North-East as well.
The second problem confronting
The Congress is the level of factionalism in each state unit. Factionalism, internal fissures and bickering at the state unit level leads to draining out a lot of energy and sinking of party morale which belies the hope of a coherent, unified party ready for battle. One expert has opined that the Congress High Command has been unable to stem the tide of desertions at the state level in the absence of personal investment in wooing and retaining leaders as well as sustaining the morale of the cadre.
Some experts have aptly summed up weaknesses of the Congress in these words: “The Congress is at a complete loss in terms of a narrative and message. When it is a challenger, it is not aggressive enough. When it is an incumbent, it is not able to defend its record. It has lost the art of stitching together multi-ethnic alliances, so critical to political success… It has lost the skill of saying different things to different constituencies yet being able to take them all together. It is not seen as standing for either development or identity rights.” These experts further warn that unless the party leadership decides that each state is significant, “unless state leaders work in tandem and factional battles are resolved, unless incentives change and the desertions stop, unless the Congress realises that getting up late is no longer an option in elections, and unless it figures out its own story, its revival in the region will be difficult.”
Way Ahead
Under the given circumstances, Congress of its own is unable to stop Modi’s political juggernaut. While setting its own house in order, the Congress needs to make itself acceptable to other non-NDA parties. Admittedly, it is only an alliance of like-minded democratic Opposition parties, which can challenge and replace the present political dispensation. Regrettably, the major regional and sub-regional parties are either intellectually or politically not convinced on the need to form an alliance to replace the present ruling dispensation at the Centre and they are more interested in floating regional arrangements for their own convenience at the expense of national interest.
The Bihar Model of ‘Mahgathbandhan’ had raised some hopes of taking on BJP’s political juggernaut, but it also fell a prey to political opportunism guided by narrow and petty political interests. Even after humiliating electoral drubbings, many regional parties have not risen above narrow interests. Anti-BJP stance is understandable and can be good incentive spurring Opposition unity, but anti-Congress stance at a time when the Congress itself is faced with existential crisis by these regional parties and the Left is puzzling.
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