Lifer to 11 gau rakshaks in Jharkhand lynching case

images (11)In first sentencing on a lynching case, a Special Fast Track court in Ramgarh, Jharkhand, on March 21 awarded life imprisonment to 11 of 12 cow vigilantes for ‘beating to death’ a meat trader Alimuddin Ansari in June last year. However, the court has deferred its decision on 12th convict who is said to be a juvenile.

The prosecution says that the 12th convict should be treated as an adult although he is in between the age of 16 and 18.

The 11 accused persons were identified as Santosh Singh, Deepak Mishra, Vicky Saw, Sikandar Ram, Uttam Ram, Vikram Prasad, Raju Kumar, Rohit Thakur, Chottu Verma, Kapil Thakur and a local BJP leader Nityanand Mahto.

On March 16, the court of the additional district judge-II of Ramgarh Om Prakash had held all the accused persons guilty under various sections of Indian Penal Code, including 302 (murder). They were accused of lynching a meat trader Alimuddin Ansari alias Asgar Ali at Bazartand locality in Ramgarh on June 29, 2017.

“Besides, sentencing them for life term the court has also slapped a fine of ₹2,000 on each the accused,” said additional public prosecutor Sushil Kumar Shukla.

Earlier State government had requested the Jharkhand High Court to constitute a special fast track court for a speedy trial of the case.

On June 29, 2017, Alimuddin Ansari, 55, was beaten to death by a mob led by members of a local gau raksha samiti, who had intercepted his van in which he was carrying beef. The mob had also set his vehicle ablaze.

After one year of Yogi sarkar, masses await development

yogi (2)

Almost a year ago the firebrand and provocative BJP leader Yogi Adityanath had assumed the top job of chief minister of the most populous and politically crucial state in the country, Uttar Pradesh. Since then he has emerged as the most-favoured choice of the Sangh Pariwar.

The RSS has projected the saffron-clad Yogi as a brand ambassador of Hindutva across the various states and extensively used his potential in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Telangana, Tripura and now in the upcoming Karnataka elections. It is strongly felt in BJP circles that extensive rallies during the UP assembly elections have paved the way for Yogi to carry on the agenda of Hindutva for the upcoming assembly and parliamentary elections in 2019.

Massive criticism of polarisation and upsurge of Hinduism has poised multiple challenges before chief minister Adityanath to soften his hardcore anti-Muslim image. In his first public rally after becoming chief minister at Gorakhpur, such signs were initially evident as he said, “I am not against Muslims but against the policies of previous governments who were bent upon to appease them. My government will do development of all but appeasement of none”. However, later on such softness vanished and he went back to the old inherent rhetoric.

Adityanath, who is a strong votary of construction of a Ram temple at the disputed Babri masjid site in Ayodhya, spearheaded BJP’s Hindutva campaign in eastern UP and continued his ventures even after becoming chief minister. He celebrated Diwali by lighting 1.71 lakh earthen lamps on the banks of river Saryu in Ayodhya. Later, he went to Barsana in Vrindavan to celebrate Holi and Varanasi to celebrate Dev Dipawali. When a journalist asked him if after Diwali and Holi will he celebrate Eid, his reaction was furious. “Why should I celebrate Eid, I am a devout Hindu,” he had said. His comment attracted criticisms as it came from a chief minister who took oath to uphold the Constitution and is expected to be a religion-neutral person. Later, he altered his comment by saying that everybody is free to practice their rituals.

During campaigning for the UP elections, he claimed that the saffron party will pave the way for the construction of the Ram temple in the state. He has been a talisman of the party’s Hindutva-wrapped agenda of development. Even after becoming chief minister, Yogi continued to hold the position of Mahant (chief priest) of the famous Gorakhnath Mutt temple of Gorakhpur, his constituency in the state. He is very particular to be present there on every important ceremony. The Mutt belongs to Nath Sampraday (Nath Community) of saints that has a strong presence in other states too.

Yogi also heads the 15-year-old Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV), a villainous moral policing group popular for opposing Valentine Day celebrations and western clothes. His Hindu outfit is particularly active in carrying out offensives in the eastern belt of the state including Maharajganj, Basti, Deoria, Kushinagar, Sant Kabir Nagar and Siddharthnagar.

BJP stormed to power in 2017 on the strength of a series of pledges for people’s welfare specially targeting farmers and youths. The government has completed one year in office and presented the second budget of its five-year term. In the last budget, crop loan waiver of Rs. 36,000 crore and burden to implement seventh pay commission for state employees virtually took toll of most of their welfare schemes. But even in the current budget most of its poll promises have not seen light of the day as no adequate budgetary support was allocated to them.

The most publicised scheme during polls was to give computers to students. It could not get any monetary support. Similarly, the promise to give free WiFi to all colleges and universities, laptops without any bias with free one GB
data per month, all students scoring about 50 per cent would get free education till graduation, could not be formulated and financed due to lack of resources. Besides, the promise to provide round-the-clock electricity in all homes, villages to be connected with mini-bus services and many other promises are gathering dust in the corridors of power.

The farmers are feeling frustrated with the policies as their income could not be raised to double and minimum support price of their cane, potato, wheat, rice, pulses and oilseed crops were not fairly determined. “PM Modi promised to double their income but due to debt they are committing suicides and after Yogi government was installed in the state, more than 100 farmers have committed suicide. Bundelkhand is still worst-hit area where after hailstorm more than a dozen debt-ridden farmers committed suicide because their crop was totally ruined,” president of Bhartiya Kisan Union of Bundelkhand region S.N.S. Parihar told Tehelka.

BJP promised better law and order during their election campaign with the slogan <‘Na goondaraj, Na Bhrashtachar’> (no rule of goon, no corruption) but the situation is no better. Fed up with the deteriorating crime graph, the chief minister gave brazen powers to police as a tool to check rising crimes. It led to misuse as National Human rights Commission issued notice to UP chief secretary Rajiv Kumar over alleged fake encounters questioning the CM’s remarks favouring police encounters to eliminate criminals.

“U.P. police under BJP rule had conducted around 1309 crack down operations wherein 42 alleged criminals were shot dead in self defence and 3068 were nabbed. We have rewarded 1574 policemen for their good work,” claimed new D.G. Police O.P. Singh while talking to Tehelka. Regarding the much-awaited police reforms in compliance to Supreme Court’s directives, Singh said that, “I will reply after studying it.”

Despite claims of improvement in law and order, the spurt in incidents of communal violence were reported from various parts of state allegedly provoked by workers of ruling party and careless attitude of the government machinery in controlling it. This led to continuance of the environment of communal polarisation aimed at strengthening forces of Hindutva.

Forty-five year-old Adityanath has been elected five times as MP from Gorakhpur constituency where his reputation was at stake in the by-election for the parliamentary seat vacated by him. He was representing this constituency in the Lok Sabha since 1998 when he was just 26-years-old. His style of politics is popular in the eastern belt of UP form where he hogged nationwide limelight for his campaigns like “Ghar Wapsi” and “Love Jihad” designed to provoke and consolidate Hindu sentiments.

Yogi opposed slaughtering of cows and its progenies which was banned in UP after enacting of law on the subject. But unlawfully the trade of its meat and skin was flourishing in eastern UP. That made him the leader of the cow vigilantism movement; he stopped cow slaughter and closed illegal mechanical butcher houses. The communal frenzy he generated led to the Dadri lynching case and communal violence in the name of cow vigilantism. There is heightened fear and in most villages unproductive cows have become big menace as they destroy crops resulting in heavy monetary losses to farmers.

Yogi Adityanath heads BJP government formed in UP in March 2017 but his government failed to live up to its promises to farmers and on healthcare and law and order, and his performance was more or less totally committed to his agenda of Hindutva. Real issues of unemployment and livelihood have taken a back seat and most of the time its leaders remain engaged in Hindu-Muslim conflicts. Though the government organised investors’ summit to boost job creation and intensify industrialisation in UP, despite MoU’s amounting to more than 4.23 lacs crores, actualization of such a big target seems to be a herculean task.

letters@tehelka.com

From Kohima to Kutch, Saffron all the way!

Amit Shah at Nort EastWith its electoral victory in Tripura and formation of governments in Nagaland and Meghalaya in alliance with local parties, the BJP has put six out of eight states of North-East India in its kitty. Put together the BJP is now in power, either directly or through an alliance, in 21 out of India’s 29 states. Party president Amit Shah, recently said, “We have an MP in Ladhakh and Kerala. We have a government in Kohima and in Kutch”. Influence of the BJP, which was once confined to the so-called cow belt or Hindi-speaking states, is now, in Prof. Rajni Kothari’s words ‘a dominant party’ in every region of the country, barring the deep south and a portion of the east. Within a short span of less than four years, the saffron surge is prominently visible everywhere.

The Saffron Surge
Sources within the BJP rank the party’s recent victory in the North-East as its most significant electoral story since it won the 2014 Parliamentary elections. Some political observers opine that most of BJP’s electoral gains in the North-East region had started manifesting in 2016 when the party won Assam for the first time in 2016 and Manipur for the first time in 2017 and in Arunachal Pradesh where the BJP came to power in 2016 by engineering a large defection from the Congress. With regard to significance of the BJP’s electoral victory in the North-East, some experts give credence to party president Amit Shah’s interview to a national daily in early January this year where he had said that his party was expected to win more Lok Sabha seats in the North-East than it had in 2014, when it had won 10. These experts further opine that it would perhaps help the BJP offset some of the losses it is bound to suffer in the Hindi belt (Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh) where it won 149 seats out of a total of 160 the last time.

The electoral victory in the North-East assumes special significance for the BJP because it comes against the run of play in recent months when the party returned to power in Gujarat but with a significantly reduced majority in terms of seats while retaining its vote share and lost by-elections to two Lok Sabha seats in Rajasthan. The BJP has pinned high hopes on Karnataka (where elections are due soon) and Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where elections will be held towards the end of 2018. Going by the tone and tenor of BJP’s government formations in the North-Eastern states, some experts call it Congress-isation of the BJP because from Arunachal Pradesh to Manipur, and now in Meghalaya and Nagaland, the BJP has used the opportunist’s rulebook for somehow getting into the driver’s seat.

While pointing out inability of the BJP to cobble a joint declaration with its alliance partner in Tripura, many experts also opine that the party played both sides of the fence in Nagaland and then picked up the one with the higher number of legislators and in Meghalaya, with just two seats to boast of, it played the kingmaker with its bag of tricks and opportunistic stabling with parties aggressively seeking the redrawing of boundaries with neighbouring states, also controlled by the BJP. Cautioning that an unscrupulous approach to power will complicate governance in the North-East, experts also warn that the BJP will have to grapple with pressing sub-local concerns, such as influx of contiguous tribes, overlapping claims for land, balancing the aspirations of identity and development among indigenous tribal and non-tribal population. These experts also bemoan the fact that rather than a healthy, incorruptible and forward-looking alternative, the BJP has cast itself in the same mould as its bête noire, the Congress.

Third Front
The BJP’s juggernaut of electoral triumph has spurred many regional satraps to call for the formation of a Third Front – an alliance of non-BJP and non-Congress parties. Such an idea is already floating in Karnataka where JD (S), BSP, NCP and the Left parties are contemplating in this regard and the latest to give such a call is Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR), who is reportedly seeking to give the 2019 Assembly elections in Telangana a national perspective.

According to media reports, KCR is anxious to usher in “qualitative change in the country’s politics” by calling for a non-Congress, non-BJP platform entailing TRS, TDP, YSRCP, DMK and Kamal Haasan’s fledgling party in Tamil Nadu, the Left in Kerala, and possibly JD(S) in Karnataka. While averring that KCR has revived the idea of a coalition led by southern regional parties to halt the BJP’s ingress into the south, some political observers say KCR appears to be working on the assumption that anti-incumbency in many BJP-ruled states will not fetch it an absolute majority in 2019, so a Third Front would be in a position to form the government at the Centre. While recalling the role of TDP founder late N T Rama Rao in stitching together such a front, called the National Front, in 1989, one analyst says that the rise of BJP in the North-East has forced regional party leaders like KCR to plan a strategy to counter the BJP in their states.

Many political analysts feel that the so-called Third Front comprising regional satraps from the South cannot stop BJP’s political juggernaut in 2019 and coming together of regional parties from the Hindi-speaking states is indispensable. The recent bonhomie between the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Samajwadi Party (SP) for the parliamentary by-elections for Gorakhpur and Phulpur seats held on March 11 is a good beginning if it succeeds. The Congress offer of support was spurned by the Samajwadi Party. Ensuing assembly polls in Karnataka will also be a litmus test for the viability of the Third Front.

Congress’ Conundrum
Startling continuous fall in electoral fortunes of the Congress is attributable to a vast array of factors like disconnect with the masses, organizational weakness, paucity of fiscal resources, mass desertion of regional level leaders to the BJP, etc. According to one opinion, being in the Opposition at the Centre makes the Congress less attractive for local political elites. Some experts point out inability of the Congress high command to revitalize the party in states where it is not in power. It invested its energy in Gujarat and managed to reap good dividends and now it is concentrating its focus on Karnataka and hopes to fare better. It should have invested similar energy in the North-East as well.

The second problem confronting
The Congress is the level of factionalism in each state unit. Factionalism, internal fissures and bickering at the state unit level leads to draining out a lot of energy and sinking of party morale which belies the hope of a coherent, unified party ready for battle. One expert has opined that the Congress High Command has been unable to stem the tide of desertions at the state level in the absence of personal investment in wooing and retaining leaders as well as sustaining the morale of the cadre.

Some experts have aptly summed up weaknesses of the Congress in these words: “The Congress is at a complete loss in terms of a narrative and message. When it is a challenger, it is not aggressive enough. When it is an incumbent, it is not able to defend its record. It has lost the art of stitching together multi-ethnic alliances, so critical to political success… It has lost the skill of saying different things to different constituencies yet being able to take them all together. It is not seen as standing for either development or identity rights.” These experts further warn that unless the party leadership decides that each state is significant, “unless state leaders work in tandem and factional battles are resolved, unless incentives change and the desertions stop, unless the Congress realises that getting up late is no longer an option in elections, and unless it figures out its own story, its revival in the region will be difficult.”

Way Ahead

Under the given circumstances, Congress of its own is unable to stop Modi’s political juggernaut. While setting its own house in order, the Congress needs to make itself acceptable to other non-NDA parties. Admittedly, it is only an alliance of like-minded democratic Opposition parties, which can challenge and replace the present political dispensation. Regrettably, the major regional and sub-regional parties are either intellectually or politically not convinced on the need to form an alliance to replace the present ruling dispensation at the Centre and they are more interested in floating regional arrangements for their own convenience at the expense of national interest.

The Bihar Model of ‘Mahgathbandhan’ had raised some hopes of taking on BJP’s political juggernaut, but it also fell a prey to political opportunism guided by narrow and petty political interests. Even after humiliating electoral drubbings, many regional parties have not risen above narrow interests. Anti-BJP stance is understandable and can be good incentive spurring Opposition unity, but anti-Congress stance at a time when the Congress itself is faced with existential crisis by these regional parties and the Left is puzzling.
letters@tehelka.com

Fresh loan fraud worth Rs824 crore comes into light

Bhupesh Jain_MD Kanishka Gold (2)In an apparently fresh case of a lending scam, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has registered a case of alleged loan fraud of Rs 824.15 crore committed by Chennai-based Kanishk Gold Pvt Ltd (KGPL) on a consortium of 14 banks led by the State Bank of India and started the investigation.

There are rumours that the Directors of the KGPL, Bhoopesh Kumar Jain and his wife Neeta Jain may have fled the country.

The case has been registered by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on a complaint from the SBI on behalf of the 14-bank consortium, media reports quoted CBI officials as saying.

The CBI carried out searches at the official and residential premises of KGPL promoters as it launched a probe in the Rs 824-crore loan fraud case, the officials reportedly said.

The company engaged in manufacturing gold jewellery which was marketed under the brand name Krizz. It sold through distributors till 2014 but changed the business model to B2B (business-to-business) in 2015 supplying to large retail jewellers, the SBI said in the complaint to the CBI, reported PTI.

The loan accounts of the company were taken over by the SBI from the ICICI in 2008. Its banking arrangement was converted into a multiple banking arrangements in March 2011, it said.

The SBI alleged that while the “fraud” is to the tune of Rs 824.15 crore, the security available with it to cover the “loss” is only around Rs 156.65 crore.

The CBI officials were quoted as saying that they have received the complaint and were in touch with the bank because of certain loopholes in the complaint which were to be rectified by the bank.

The bank has alleged that the company had “misrepresented and falsified” the records and financial statements of the company to show a “rosy picture” since 2009 to avail credit facilities from it.

KGPL and its directors allegedly diverted the funds detrimental to the rights and interests of the bank, it reportedly said.

The SBI has requested the agency to register a case against Kanishk Gold Pvt Ltd, its promoter director Bhoopesh Kumar Jain and others, the reports said, adding that the company’s account was declared fraud and non-performing asset in 2017-18 by various lending banks, it alleged.

Nirav Modi scam: Bank officers hold RBI responsible

1As the country reels under the shock of multiple bank frauds and thepotential impact of lakhs of crores of bad loans in the banking system, the All India Bank Officers’ Confederation (AIBOC) has asked the government to stop the blame game in bank frauds and instead make the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) take responsibility for introducing new systems and for failure in bank supervision.

Regulatory agencies, including the central bank, need to become more vigilant and the role of auditors needs to be probed further. Banks are already being audited multiple times and, hence, there is need for a regulatory agency to make sure that auditors are playing their due role. As the Nirav Modi-Punjab National Bank (PNB) scam unfolds, it is clear that those who were to monitor transactions failed at their job.

It must be recalled that one of the fallouts of the scandal surrounding the US energy company Enron was the closure of reputed accounting firm Arthur Andersen. In our country too, stern action must be taken against auditing agencies. At the same time, greater autonomy needs to be given to state-run banks. The issue of appointments of bank chiefs, for instance, is a key issue meant to be handled by the relatively new Banks Board Bureau. Instead, it seems to remain within the purview of the Finance Ministry. All these issues will now have to be reviewed and overhauled in light of the worsening news from banks.

The Bank Officers Confederation had earlier objected to banks being burdened with the responsibility of Aadhaar enrolment, which is now a bigger and more dangerous issue given the impunity with which bank officials have participated in fraud. However, the Bank Officers Confederation has a different take and makes some important points about the accountability of regulators and the government.

DT Franco, General Secretary of AIBOC, said, “Much is talked and written about scams in the banking sector after the Nirav Modi scam in Punjab National Bank (PNB). Why do the RBI, Finance Ministry, Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) and others wake up only when a major scam surfaces? Why are we not analyzing the failure of the system? What is the role of the Government and its policies which cause system failures and scams?” There have been infamous scams such as those pertaining to Harshad Mehta, Ketan Parekh and the non-performing asset (NPA) scam, which have not yet been declared as ‘scams’ by the Government or the RBI due to misuse of the loopholes in the system. „In India, the political economy circumscribes the quality of regulation and internal control policies at banks. It is important to appreciate this while fixing responsibility for the bad loans and large frauds at public sector banks (PSBs),“ observed the AIBOC .

About the misuse of letters of undertaking (LoU) in the recent Nirav Modi fraud case, Franco said, „In this case, when a buyer’s credit is available for importers, then why did the RBI introduce LoUs, which is not in vogue among foreign banks? What was the necessity for RBI to encourage imports by helping the borrower to get cheaper credit abroad instead of helping Indian Banks to increase them credits that would give better taxes for the country? It is a well-known fact that the SWIFT has been used for frauds from the nineties and there are many reported hacks of SWIFT. Why did the RBI and the Government not intervene to correct the system? What happened to supervision and audit? Why did the RBI failed in supervision? Is it because the RBI has been busy with other things like demonetisation? They are still counting the notes even after a year! Has RBI lost its autonomy?” The bank officers also raised several questions on transfer and appointment of another person as Managing Director at PNB, while it is the job of the Banking Board’s Bureau headed by Vinod Rai to make such appointments.

Explaining reasons for weak supervision in banks, AIBOC said, “Why are banks forced into other activities like Aadhaar linkage, Aadhaar enrolment, selling pension scheme of the Government and cross-selling. These are major reasons for weakening supervision. Why is the RBI still hesitant to publish list of defaulters and thus allowing them to run away from the country. Why does the Prime Minister take with him on foreign tours businessmen who are known for misuse of the system? Why do the same set of businessmen get contracts abroad? Why are these businessmen showcased abroad and why are they selected by the Prime Minister’s Officer (PMO) and Finance Ministry instead of industry associations, which was the practise earlier?”

Accordion to AIBOC, only 11,643 borrowers in the country have availed 38 per cent of the total loans given by banking sector as on March 2016. Just 12 NPA accounts have an outstanding of 2.50 lakh crore and 84 per cent of the NPAs belong to corporates. Every year banks writeoff thousands of crores for there corporates, which is the biggest scam. The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the Associations of Chambers of Commerce of India (Assocham) should ask their members to be honest and repay the loans instead of demanding privatisation.”

Blaming the RBI for not publishing list of NPA borrowers and introducing new mechanism to help corporates, the bank officers’ union says, “The RBI is the one which introduced Corporate Debt Restructuring (CDR), Strategic Debt Restructuring (SDR), Sustainable Structuring of Stressed Assets or S4A, asset quality review (AQR) and Prompt Corrective Action (PCA). None of them have helped the banks but they have helped the corporates to loot. With the revised norms the banks will have to declare 2 lakh crore more as NPAs and provide 50 per cent provision for them. This is going to make all the banks in the country to become red. This will lead to a financial crisis like the US crisis of 2008. The Government may announce a financial emergency and handover banks to the corporates. This will be a danger to democracy itself.”

“Despite a sticky systemic NPA issue with PSB for five years, we have had no run on a bank, no stress in
the money markets and limited impact on growth. While there are many reasons for this, a big reason has been state ownership of the banking system. It has meant that bank liabilities have implicit sovereign guarantee, which maintained confidence of the markets in the banking system,” it added.

Privatisation opposed

Opposing the talk about privatisation of PSBs, the bank officers confederation says, “We need better banking, better reporting, better supervision and better technology in aid of these. What we need is to ignore the cry to privatise PSBs, as if ownership uniquely determines ethics and efficiency. The popular chestnut is that PSBs are structurally vulnerable to poor governance, resulting in the run-up inNPAs. Data, yet again, militate against the hypothesis. While theremight be cases of fraudulent behaviour, they are not the overwhelmingcause for the accretion of NPAs in PSB. Second, cases of governancebreakdowns are not a monopoly of PSB — globally and in India, manyprivately-owned banks have been regularly identified with such errors of omission and commissions. Global regulatory fines on banks run into many billions of dollars every year.”

The Economic Survey 2016-17 studied the causes of the large NPA build-up in PSB. A very large part of it can be attributed to a growth—induced credit bubble, followed by macroeconomic and regulatory issues that burst the bubble rudely. Corruption and malfeasance were not identified as a key variable. In 2008, a raft of European and American banks, all privately owned, had to be bailed out by governments. The list of institutions bailed out included some of the best known brands in the business. The financial crisis of 2007-08 was the result not of public sector sloth and corruption but of private sector greed and poor regulation. Lehman Brothers went belly up, without any state ownership. Royal Bank of Scotland and Barclays avoided collapse by taking government equity.

“It is not ownership but the quality of regulation, reporting andmanagement that determine banking efficiency. Closer home,privately-owned Global Trust Bank and Bank of Rajasthan had to berescued with state support. The reason for the above is quite simple — banking isn’t the same as soaps, or steel, or hotels,” the bankofficers’ confederation said. According to AIBOC, banking bailouts inIndia have been quite modest in terms of their impact, both in termsof direct fiscal costs as well as indirect costs to the economy. AnIMF Working Paper on Systemic Banking Crisis, covering all banking andsovereign crises between 1970 and 2011, brings out the data starkly.

The average fiscal cost of bank bailouts across the world was 6.8 per cent of GDP between 1970 and 2011. For emerging economies, the cost was 10 per cent of GDP. For India, in the same period, bank bailouts cost far less than 1 per cent of GDP, a negligible amount. “The current PSB recapitalisation plan announced by the government, amounting to Rs 2.11 lakh crore over two years, would account for less than 0.5 per cent of current year GDP, and less than 0.25 per cent annualised for two years. Further, India’s bank bailouts have extracted far less cost out of the Indian economy than bank stress situations elsewhere,” AIBOC added.

Those who insist on privatisation of public sector banks opine that bank operations are overly controlled by the government, leading to their manipulation by powerful political lobbies. Public sector banks are indeed vulnerable to pulls and pressures from the government and tempted by manipulative corporates. These may have created many lacunas in the banking system which can be exploited by some greedy businessmen in connivance with a handful of corrupt bankers. But these fractures in the structures of public sector banks need to be repaired rather than resorting to privatisation.

The recession was primarily the result of the international financial institutions which failed and at the time were in the private sector. This includes the iconic Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns which collapsed while others like Merrill Lynch, AIG, and the mortgage lending institutions, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, had to be rescued by the state. Apart from the 2008 financial crisis, there have been many instances of bank frauds leading to closures such as Barings Bank which had to down shutters due to the activity of a single rogue trader. Officials of Barclays Bank of the UK are reported to be only now facing fraud charges over activities carried out in 2008. The private sector banks or the new generation banks are certainly not the holy cows immune to the same problems that plague the public sector entities. Private banks, too, have their share of bad loans.

The recent half-year financial stability report by the RBI noted that the rate of increase of NPAs was 40.8 per cent for private sector banks as against 17 per cent for public sector banks on a year-on-year basis in September 2017. It also disclosed that all top private sector lenders, including ICICI Bank, Axis Bank, Yes Bank and HDFC Bank, had under-reported their dud assets in the first two quarters of the fiscal. In other words, the private banks renowned for their speed and efficiency in contrast to the tortoise-like pace of the state-owned banks are in the grip of the same malaise of mounting bad loans as the latter.

What the Govt needs to do

Privatisation, then, is not the over-arching solution to all the woes facing the government-owned bank industry. It is undoubtedly true that a major restructuring is needed in the operations and performance levels of these banks. The government needs to take up the issue of reviving the banking sector in all seriousness. Privatisation is surely not the way forward. But steps to improve governance standards need to be taken immediately to cleanse and revive this crucial sector of the economy.

Why PSB’s?

It is worth mentioning that ever since the Indian government nationalised the Imperial Bank of India in 1955 and re-christened it State Bank of India, public sector banks (PSBs) have continued to be of immense systemic importance. This was further reinforced during the nationalisation of banks in 1969 and again in 1980.

Today, despite their shrinking market share, PSBs continue to be very important for the economy, particularly one like India. With their widespread and far-reaching network, PSBs are the only source of financial connectivity for large swathes of the population, mobilising deposits as well as providing credit for productive sectors. These banks have been the backbone of the financial social agenda for the government, including being the frontrunners of the Jan Dhan Yojana.

In any particular rural area, the role of a PSB is not confined to banking but encompasses a more holistic developmental agenda. They are the one-stop shop for all financial needs of the local rural populace including insurance, financial literacy, remittance amongst others.

The strong uptake of payment banks licence indicates the vast unmet demand that still exists in India’s rural areas and provides a significant opportunity for PSBs to capture this. Clearly, the importance of PSBs in India even today cannot be belittled. The Indian economy needs a strong banking system to continue and expand on the current growth trajectory and the PSBs play a significant role in this. As the bulwark of financial services available to India’s rural masses, PSBs form the backbone of the growth emanating from India’s villages.

letters@tehelka.com

Noida class 9 student commits suicide, 2 teachers and principal booked

images (10)A class 9 student studying in Ahlcon Public School Mayur Vihar-I, has allegedly committed suicide on the evening of March 20. She reportedly hanged herself when she was alone at her home.

The girl was rushed to nearby Kailash Hospital in Noida. “When the girl was brought her pulse and blood pressure were un-recordable. We tried to revive her but couldn’t. Cause of death can only be known after postmortem,” the doctor said.

The deceased’s parents have accused their daughter’s teachers of sexually harassing her and molesting her.

“She told me her SST teachers touched her inappropriately, I said since I’m also a teacher, I can say they can’t do it, might be a mistake but she said, I’m scared of them, no matter how well I write they’ll fail me. Ultimately they failed my daughter in SST. The school killed her,” Ikisha’s father quoted.

Arun K Singh, Noida Superintendent of Police, has said that a case has been registered in the matter of the Ahlcon Public School suicide under Child sexual abuse laws and abetment of suicide, and further investigations are underway. Two teachers and the school’s principal have been booked.

School principal, however, rejecting the claims of molestation and sexual harassment said, “it was an unfortunate incident. The school had been following promotion policies of CBSE and that the deceased had not failed, instead a re-test was scheduled.”

Sanjib Ram surrenders in J&K minor rape case 

download (2)In the controversial rape and killing of eight-year-old nomad girl, Asifa, alleged mastermind Sanjib Ram surrendered before the Crime Branch on March 20.

The accused, Sanji Ram, 60, a former revenue official, has been evading arrest after police learnt about his involvement. His surrender happened a day after his son Vishal’s arrest from Meerut, Uttar Pradesh.

Ram is believed to have engineered the rape and murder of Asifa to create fear among Muslim nomadic families in Jammu”s Rasana village and force them to leave.

Asifa was kidnapped from Rasana village on January 10. According to investigations, she was drugged and held captive for a week before being murdered.

Investigators said Ram motivated special police officer Deepak Khajuria, who has been arrested, to execute the heinous crime.

So far, the Crime Branch has arrested seven people including a sub-inspector, head constable and two special police officers in the case.

While Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti has assured justice to the victim’s family, a recently formed outfit, Hindu Ekta Manch, spearheaded several protests demanding transfer of the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation.

The ruling alliance partner BJP also supported the Manch’s demand. A few BJP ministers had met the CM and pushed for CBI-led probe but she had turned down their request.

JNU professor granted bail in sexual harassment case

images (9)JNU professor Atul Johri, who was arrested by the Delhi Police on allegations of sexual harassment, was granted bail by the Patiala House Court.

The Delhi Police on March 20, arrested professor Atul Johri of JNU after allegations of sexual harassment were levelled against him by students. Johri, was produced before duty magistrate Ritu Singh, where he moved a bail plea, saying sending him to jail would spoil his career.

The bail was furnished on a bail bond of Rs 30,000 for each of the eight FIRs registered against him. Police had sought 14-day custody of Johri. Earlier in the day, Johri was detained for questioning.

Kabul suicide terror attack: 26 dead, 18 injured as Afghans Celebrate Persian New Year

1521627363-3973During midday, a suicide bomber struck on the road and blew himself near a Shiite shrine in Kabul, on March 20. Officials reveal that 26 people were killed and 18 others were injured in the terror attack.

Kabul’s Police Chief General Daud Amin has said that the blast took place near the Kabul University and Ali Abad hospital, around 1 km away from the Sakhi shrine, where people were gathered to celebrate Nawruz holiday which marks the beginning of the Persian new year. Nawruz is extensively celebrated in Afghanistan by Shiite people by typically visiting the shrines.

Nasrat Rahimi, spokesman of deputy interior ministry, has said that the bomber blew himself up near the Kart-e Sakhi shrine, which is also a target of previous militant attacks.

Taliban terrorist group simply denies the involvement in the attack.

GenAmin added that the probe into the security breach is underway and anyone who found to have ignored his duties would be punished.

Tripura results: Left needs to brace for change

With just two Lok Sabha seats, Tripura hardly matters in the parliamentary arithmetic of the country. SenioP5E9837r Rashtriya Janata Dal leader and former MP Shivanand Tiwari questions the hype around the recent victory of the BJP in the North-East on this ground, saying that the results would hardly have any impact on the poll outcome of 2019. But the manner in which the outcome of the keenly-contested assembly election has been hyped points to the political significance of the victory for the BJP. The desperation shown by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP President Amit Shah for winning the tiny border state too gives a glimpse of it. The duo roped in dozens of central ministers and leaders to campaign in the state and ensured that the RSS should be active in the region with all its might.

A close look at the politics of the country would only reveal that it has, by and large, become unipolar in more than one way. The consensus on economic policies among most of the mainstream political parties testifies it. There is hardly any difference among them on the policies of liberalization and globalization. The direct implication of this situation is that the corporate sector is guiding the articulation of political discourse in the country. The Left Front — CPI(M), CPI, RSP and Forward Block — is the only political block which is exception to it. It is opposed to the unipolar nature of politics and is taking clear ideological position on economic and political issues. Unlike Congress and other political parties, it opposes policies of liberalization and globalization in an unambiguous term. This is the only block which is also fiercely opposed to communal politics and hardly shows any deviation.

This is in contrast to what Congress and other parties do. They show ample political opportunism and are often soft on Hindutva or minority communalism. The recent example of Congress’ soft Hindutva could be been seen in Rahul Gandhi’s wandering in Hindu temples of Gujarat and Karnataka. This ambiguity in its policies explains why its cadres switch over to BJP so easily. It is easy for an ordinary leader of the Congress, Samajwadi Party or other mainstream political parties to switchover to the BJP. They do not feel any hesitation in speaking the language of Hindutva. Though, of late, Rahul Gandhi has started criticizing economic policies, how much change he is likely to bring in Congress’ economic policies is a matter of speculation. The thinking of Congress is still guided by persons like Manmohan Singh and P Chidambaram. They are unlikely to change their stance. What Rahul is propagating might be a liberal face of these economic policies.

Its opposition to the economic policies and its unenviable position as the champion of the cause of oppressed and marginalized sections of society — Dalits, minorities, farmers and workers — make the Left a relevant political force of the country. This is why the Left is the main enemy of the Right. So, Tripura had to be “freed” or Kerala has to be “freed” in order to demolish the ideology which talks of providing an alternative to the “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas” model of development, which ironically has a clear bias in favour of the corporates.

How Tripura was won

The battle in Tripura was far from being fair. The media ignored all instances of violations of election-laws and bending of rules. Not a single report was published on how much money BJP spent in the polls. There were also no news on the use of religion, caste or other identities to mobilize the voters. The Supreme Court has prohibited it and the Election Commission has been reminding political parties to obey the verdict. Despite the fact that the BJP not only worked out a poll alliance based on ethnic identities but also appealed to voters to vote on the basis of it, the Election Commission or the media did not take any notice of it.

Tripura has a turbulent past. The state was witness to large scale violence in 1980s and could only recover from it in the nineties under the Left rule. Nripen Chakraborty and Manik Sarkar as chief ministers worked hard to restore the state to complete normalcy. They were able to marginalize the separatist outfits and insurgent tribal groups.

“All this has happened before in Tripura. In the mid-1980s, it was the Congress which, in a desperate bid to dislodge the Left Front in 1988 Assembly Elections, allied with the tribal group, TUJS (Tripura Upjati Samiti), a front for the violent and separatist TNV (Tripura National Volunteers). This time round, the same dangerous path has been chosen by the BJP. Bizarrely, many of the characters in this dance of death are the same. As Young men they were part of Congress or TNV/TUJS and served as their storm-troopers to spread terror in the 1980s. Now, they have joined the BJP or the IPFT (Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura) and are planning to repeat those nightmarish days,” alleges the CPI(M).

Ironically, no TV channel or newspaper highlighted the fact that militant nationalists who were effectively marginalized by the CPI(M) government have revived themselves by their alliance with the BJP. There are enough indications that IPFT will raise its demand of separate state of Tipraland and revive its secessionist demands. This may allow social tension between tribal and non-tribal populations to resurface. The state could witness clash between tribals and the Bengalis as has been the case in the past.

It is clear that the BJP has adopted the same tactics which it has adopted in Jammu and Kashmir where the party chose to join hands with the PDP which has been supporting separatists. Both in J&K and Tripura, Ram Madhav, the RSS representative in the BJP, has played an important role in formulating these alliances.

It is clear that change of guard in Tripura will affect the state in many ways. What would be its repercussion on national politics and on 2019 elections is also not difficult to assess. If the poll result has now exposed the state to accelerated tension and breakdown of hard earned social harmony, it has opened the door of realignment of political forces in the national politics.

As far as the national politics and the coming Lok Sabha polls are concerned, the BJP will certainly try to imitate its style of campaigning and other aspects of its poll strategy. Obviously, this style is in contrast to the political norms of the country.

However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will certainly take this victory as an endorsement to his style of campaigning — high-pitched rhetoric mixed with low level attacks on opponents. His aggressive campaign is supplemented by the politically correct and manufactured social equations of his colleague Amit Shah, who uses all kinds of social cleavages to win an election.

One of the important lessons of the Tripura poll results is that the narrative of “Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas” still attracts people. The Opposition is yet to put forth a counter narrative. Despite the fact that Tripura has done extremely well on Human Development Indices, Modi’s development narrative worked well. The state has the highest literacy in the country (96 per cent), low child mortality rate ( 20 per thousand live births), life expectancy of 71 years for men and 73 for women against the 64 and 66 in Gujarat. The state has gender ratio of 961 against 918 in Gujarat. The state has been pioneer in implementing Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Guarantee Scheme (MGNRGS) and has been able to implement all the central government schemes most effectively.

The crime rate in the state is low

Why was it that the CPI(M) could not counter the development narrative of Modi? The employment for educated youth was the only front where the state proved to be a failure. This might have given Modi an opportunity to sell his narrative of development. The CPI(M) could have easily countered the narrative by exposing the failure of the Modi government in providing growth with employment at the national level. But it failed to do so.

Decline of the Left?

The ouster of CPI(M) from the government in Tripura naturally engenders the question whether the Left is in decline. People have been asking this question ever since the Left lost its bastion in Bengal. The CPI(M) had constituted a committee with top level intellectuals on it to look into the changes in the social structure of the country after the introduction of liberal economy. The committee had given a report as well and the party had decided to implement its suggestions to mobilize the youth of the new era. However, it does not seem to have worked. The party is facing continued erosion in its base. The party also corrected its mistake of antagonizing the rural masses of West Bengal during Singur and Nandigram controversies. This also does not seem to have yielded any positive results.

The prime question before the Left is of mobilizing the new era youth that is in the grip of consumerism. However, the immediate political need demands pragmatic politics of making alliances with anti-BJP parties including Congress. Tripura polls have revealed that the Left has to position itself as an alternative to both the Congress and the BJP. It is clear that Congress’ near absence from the poll scene in Tripura helped BJP in winning it. Any strategy for the 2019 general election should keep it in mind.

The Left also needs to shun its bureaucratic style of functioning. The party seemed to have left Manik Sarkar to fight the battle on his own. His simple lifestyle and impeccable credentials as an honest chief minister were not highlighted properly. The Tripura Model of Development also did not become the poll plank, which only exposes the bureaucratic nature of functioning in the party. This is why the party mainly relied on ideological rhetoric that are best suited for academic debates. By now, Sarkar should have become a national icon for converting a troubled state into a best managed province. The CPI(M) should be made guilty of not trying to project him at national level. At times, the party should allow personalities to acquire larger than life status.

letters@tehelka.com

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