Police Arrest religious teacher for raping minor girl student in Darbhanga

Police arrested religious teacher named Mujibur Rahman (65) on July 18 for allegedly raping a nine-year-old girl in a village under the Hayaghat police station area in Darbhanga District, Bihar.

“The victim suffered serious injuries to her private parts. We have arrested Mohammad Mozib-ur Rahman and have initiated an investigation into the matter,” Police officer Anuj Kumar reportedly said.

The Police sources revealed that Rahman used to give home tuition to the victim around 9 pm every day on religious texts. On the fateful day also he had gone to her house and lured her with chocolates. Finding her alone in the room, he allegedly sexually assaulted her. On hearing the loud cries, the girl’s mother rushed in found that teacher is forcibly trying to shut child’s mouth. He then fled the scene.

Hayaghat SHO Dilip Kumar Pathak said that the victim was bleeding from her private parts and she was taken to Hayaghat PHC for treatment. The girl was later sent to Darbhanga Medical College and Hospital for treatment where her condition is said to be still critical.

The SHO said the accused was arrested after an FIR was lodged against him under section 4 and 6 of the POSCO Act.

Anti-Trafficking Bill: Survivors come face-to-face with lawmakers

Hopeful survivors of human-trafficking came together, at the national capital from all over the country to showcase their resounding commitment for early passage of the anti-human trafficking Bill, which got introduced in the parliament on July 18.

Prayas Juvenile Aid Centre (JAC) Society, on July 19, held a national consultation on Human Trafficking with the Members of Parliament and survivors of human trafficking. The survivors, hailing from different parts of the country, deliberated with the MPs, civil society organisations for an early passage of the Trafficking of Persons (Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill, 2018 in this Monsoon Session of the Parliament.

Shatrughan Sinha, MP, Lok Sabha; Manoj Tiwari, MP, Lok Sabha and Kothapalli Geetha, MP, Lok Sabha attended the consultation and extended their strong support for the early passage of the Bill. Eleven survivors hailing from eleven states of India shared their experiences of human trafficking, ranging from sexual exploitation, bonded labour, forced marriage, organ trade and other forms of trafficking.

In his address, Amod K Kanth, Founder General Secretary, Prayas, said, “Today, as we recount stories of despair, we also wish to make a strong statement of courage! We stand with our leaders and extend the responsibility of bringing forth a strong anti-trafficking legislation to protect, rehabilitate survivors of human-trafficking and ensure prevention for one’s vulnerable to this crime to them! We strongly support the long overdue Bill as it takes care of all the concerns.”

Manoj Tiwari, MP, Lok Sabha said: “At times we don’t go into details of the bills introduced, but having heard the stories from the survivors, I will definitely support the Bill and put forward the arguments in the support. Your voice has inspired me to fight with these social evils with more energy and valiant. I assure you all that I will be with in this fight always.”

Kothapalli Geeta, MP, Lok Sabha said: “This subject is very close to my heart, because I am a woman and I believe every woman in Parliament will support this bill and this bill will be passed at the earliest.”

Shatrughan Sinha, MP, Lok Sabha said: “Survivors have narrated a horrific tale and the delayed justice is something we should worry about. One survivor talked about being trafficked to Mumbai from West Bengal and when she approached police, Mumbai police asked her to file a FIR at home station and home station asked her to report in Mumbai. It’s sad that this reality still exists. But the new bill has a provision for Inter-state Investigation and a National Anti-Trafficking Bureau, which will solve the problem. Yeh bill der se aaya hai lekin durust aaya (Though a little late, but it’s very good that this bill has been introduced) and I am hopeful that it gets passed in the monsoon session. After hearing the shocking stories of the survivors today I feel more committed to strongly support this Bill whenever it comes up for discussion.”

Human-Trafficking in the worst violation of human rights and the third largest organised crime after drugs and the arms trade across the globe. Men and women including children continue to be vulnerable to human trafficking for domestic work, forced labour, forced marriage and sexual slavery. The problem of trafficking is particularly prevalent in India since it is a source, destination and transit country for victims of trafficking.

The existing law around trafficking, Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 is centred around solely sexual exploitation and has been mostly used to persecute sex workers instead of the actual perpetrators by allowing for their arbitrary arrest and penalisation.

The new proposed legislation, Trafficking of Persons Bill (Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) 2018 on the other hand, covers all aspects of human trafficking- including aggravated forms of trafficking like forced labour, begging, administering chemical substances and hormones for early sexual maturity, forced marriage, etc. It provides for prosecution of promoting or facilitating trafficking of a person which includes producing, printing, issuing or distributing unissued, tampered or fake certificates, registration or stickers as proof of compliance with Government requirements; or commits fraud for procuring or facilitating the acquisition of clearances and necessary documents from Government agencies.

The Bill provides for designated Courts for fast-tracking trials and timely repatriation of foreign victims – within a period of one year from taking into cognizance, which is a highly commendable move as there are many cases of trafficking from across neighbouring countries such as Nepal and Srilanka. Another novel aspect of the Bill, is its provision for seizing property of the traffickers (even in international locations) considering the global nature of the crime. A dedicated mechanism is proposed to be created under this law at each of the District, State and Central levels to implement the Bill in its entirety.

Kerala Orthodox Church case: Magistrate Court rejects bail plea of 2 accused

A Judicial First Class Magistrate Court in Thiruvalla on July 19 has rejected the bail applications of two priests, Father Job Mathew and Father Johnson V Mathew, who were arrested in a case of sexually assaulting a woman parishioner in June.

Both the accused are currently lodged in the Pathanamthitta district jail and in the coming days they are likely to move the Kerala High Court regarding their bail petitions.

A woman was a regular visitor to Malankara Orthodox Church. She had accused four priests of the church of sexually abusing her for a decade.

Victim’s husband had complained that she came under the threat from at least five priests. Out of the five one priest started exploiting her in the beginning and then even started blackmailing her.

When she sought help from another priest, he too, threatened her and shared her contact with a fellow priest and she was eventually victimized by all of them.

Currently, the National Commission for Women is monitoring the case. According to the police, one of the priests escaped action as the victim had mentioned only four names.

The Malankara Orthodox Church had suspended all the four priests after the complaint was filed in the matter.

One among the four accused priests surrendered on July 12.

Explained! Why India lags behind in football?

Game for it It was only in 1999 that the first Indian player, Baichung Bhutia, opted to play in the professional league in England.

Every time a major international football tournament takes place, football fans burn midnight oil to watch telecast of live matches which generally take place late at night because of the time zone of most football playing nations. There is also a huge following for football clubs like Real Madrid and Chelsea. All this, despite the poor performance of the Indian football team in international arena.

It is now barely among the top 100 teams placed at the 97th rank by FIFA which organises the Football World Cup every four years. About three years ago it had slumped to 173rd position but for a billion strong nation, the 97th position is no consolation. It is in fact a far cry from the glorious days of 1950s and 60s when it was a dominant Asian team and had been participating in Olympics and other international tournaments.

For some it may come as a big surprise that India had actually reached the finals of the 1950 Olympics in football ! This was, albeit, by default. All the other teams in the group figuring India had withdrawn from the Olympics for one reason or the other and the Indian team automatically qualified for the finals. However it too pulled out of Olympics and there is still a controversy on why it did so. The popular belief was that the indian football players lacked proper gear including football shoes. It was also pointed out that they were more comfortable playing barefoot but it was disallowed by the Olympics committee. Others say that Indian government refused financial support to the national team.

But notwithstanding the possibility of a historic Olympics final, the fact remains that the national team notched several honours and won major Asian tournaments during the  Golden period of Indian football.

It won the Asian Games gold medal twice — in 1951 and 1962. It was also twice runners-up in the Merdeka football tournament in 1959 and 1964, and in the Asia Cup in 1964. India finished fourth in the 1956 Melbourne Olympics and was the first Asian nation to reach the Olympic football semi-final after defeating several other national teams. India played with distinction in Olympics from 1948 to 1960 when it had qualified for the Olympics for the last time. It has never been able to make it to the World Cup finals and since 1984 it has failed to reach even the Asia Cup final rounds. The last quarter-final appearance by an Indian football team in the Asian Games was in 1982 in Delhi.

Old timers would still recall names of great players during that period. These include Chuni Goswami, Jarnail Singh, P.K. Banerjee, T. Balaram, Sudhir Karmakar, Peter Thangaraj, Altaf Ahmed and Yusuf Khan, Prasun Banerjee and Atanu Bhattacharya. Jarnail Singh even captained the Asian All Stars XI. Besides him three other Indian players, Thangaraj, Altaf Ahmed and Yusuf Khan, figured in the Asian All Masters XI.

But despite their talent and capability, none of them opted to turn professional or play for clubs abroad. They rather preferred secured government and public sector jobs despite getting offers to play for foreign clubs. It was only 1999 that the first Indian player, Baichung Bhutia, opted to play in the professional league in England.

So what went wrong with Indian football after the golden period and despite the continued love for the game in India. Evidently there is a combination of reasons which led to its virtual demise at the international level.

Entry of politicians and bureaucrats was perhaps one of the most important factors which has led to the present sorry state of affairs. In the decades after the independence, political leaders who had little knowledge or interest in the game ‘captured’ important posts in Associations. Their aim was only to gain clout and tour abroad on jaunts ostensibly to attend meetings. Bureaucrats too found it lucrative to meddle in the affairs of national and state associations. It led to nepotism, favouritism, political interference and also to less emphasis on training and nurturing of players. This subsequently led to split in Associations as more such worthies sought to take control. Every state had two or more Associations claiming to represent the state. Instead of the focus on players and the game, these became arenas of political intrigue and conspiracies. For instance even the small Union Territory of Chandigarh had three factions for a long time.

The failure of the government to provide direction to the sport or to restrict involvement of politicians and bureaucrats led to the decay of the sport. It made virtually no effort to nurture young players or hire top foreign coaches to train the Indian team. Similarly the government did not encourage clubs and failed to organise regular national level tournaments despite a heritage going back to 1888 when the Durand Cup football tournament was first introduced by the British at Annandale Grounds in Shimla, the former summer capital of the Raj.

In fact there has been a sharp decline in the number of domestic tournaments. As per records over 125 domestic tournaments were held during the 1960s and 1970s but the number has now come down to less than a hundred. Major tournaments like Federation Cup and the Nehru Cup has to be dropped off and in due to lack of fundings and sponsors

Yet football remains the most popular sport after cricket. It has mass following in states like West Bengal, Kerala, Goa and the north east. Some of the TV channels arranged for FIFA World Cup commentary in Bengali and other regional languages.

The decline in the popularity for football was also in direct proportion to the rise of cricket as the favourite game. Partly it was due to a string of defeats in football and partly the increasingly improved standards and victories in cricket that propelled people to go for cricket. Credit is also due to the professional marketing of cricket. India’s victories over western countries, particularly the UK, were other reasons for cricket gaining popularity.

Despite the existence of popular clubs like Mohan Bagan, Dempo, East Bengal, and Salgaokar etc no serious effort was made to market the game like the transformation brought in by Indian Premier League (IPL) in cricket.

But all is not lost still and the continued passion for Football, as witnessed during international matches despite the absence of India, can be rekindled. In fact some efforts are already underway and have begun to reap dividends.

For instance the establishment of the Chandigarh Football Academy in 2000 by the then Punjab Governor and UT Administrator Gen JFR Jacob, is doing exceedingly well. Over 45 of its students  have played at international level and seven of under 19 players in India Team were from the Academy. It selects students from across the country after evaluating their potential and provide free boarding and lodging, schooling and coaching to the selected wards. Many of them are from the north eastern region, West Bengal and Goa. Then there are academies and clubs like Mahilpur Football Club set up by an NRI and Minerva Football Club. Establishment of many more such academies is needed to help restore glory of the game. It would hopefully help in getting crowds back to the stadiums and no future Indian captain shall not have to appeal for attendance at football matches as was done recently by Sunil Chhetri. He recently appealed for more attendance during football matches : “Come to the stadium, do it (criticise) on our face, scream at us, shout at us, abuse us, who knows one day we might change you guys, you might start cheering for us. You guys have no idea how important you guys are and how important your support is,” the skipper appealed.

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More Activists Like Gauri May Help India Detox Intolerance

Mob lynching is a crime no matter what the motive is, the Supreme Court has ruled, adding that it is a law and order issue that is the responsibility of state governments. The recent spike in the incidents of mob violence against individuals and communities highlights the bitter realities of contemporary India.

People across the country now seems to be riven by hate. One of the victims of hate crimes in recent past was journalist and right activist Gauri Lankesh, who was gunned down by assassins in front of her home in Bengaluru on 5 September 2017. The latest book Illiberal India: Gauri Lankesh And The Age Of Unreason by her former husband and friend Chidanand Rajghatta not only profiles her persona but also chronicles her activism for social justice.

Following in the method of previous murders of rationalists M.M. Kalburgi, Govind Pansare and Narendra Dabholkar, Lankesh’s murder chilled the nation, sparking off protests across India. Even as the police unravels the plot behind her murder and connects it to the others, the larger forces that killed these four activists continue to grow.

A fierce critic of the burgeoning Hindutva faction in Karnataka and other parts of India, and a strident supporter of separate-religion status for Lingayats, Lankesh’s activism had made her many foes. Fluent in Kannada and English, she was a particular threat to her ideological enemies — able to reach the influencers through a language of power and a wider audience at the grassroots through her mother tongue

In his book, senior journalist and analyst Rajghatta examines her life against the volatile backdrop of an increasingly fractious and intolerant India. These two elements come together in the murder of Gauri Lankesh who took on the extremist forces and fought for a more equitable society and a better India. After her murder, Lankesh became a symbol of resistance for critics of Hindutva. Her face was placed on posters and memorials and nationwide protests were held in her honour demanding justice.  This memoir by Rajghatta also delves on private and more intimate side of Lankesh. “This ‘legend’ was hardly the Gauri I knew. My memories were personal, of a private person; I had little idea of her public persona,” he writes. He describes Lankesh as a disputatious person yet good-natured, large-hearted and fair-minded. It does seem a little strange, however, to read a description about her that focuses on her “slender but supple physique honed by yoga in her youth and dissipated later.”

But aside from this slightly specific and perhaps a bit sexual description, Rajghatta paints the picture of a fiery woman who spoke her mind about her political beliefs but was also conscious of her own ability to hurt another in her personal life and was careful about avoiding such a situation.

The book highlights how journalists living outside the comfort of Delhi and other metros, while doing their job of exposing the corrupt,  often end up paying with their lives. There is a certain vulnerable air that envelops them as they go about their work in small towns and badlands of the country far removed from the civic order that informs the metros.

The primitive gunning down of Gauri Lankesh in front of her home, in the most metropolitan of all cities — Bengaluru — also brought into limelight the shocking response from ‘illiberal India’ on social media about such killings. In this backdrop, pinning responsibility to act against the mob that take law and order in its hands may go a long way in restoring trust and peace among common people. The misuse of social media, as the book suggests, should also be tamed. And the recent court verdict against mob violence may be the first step towards achieving a bit more tolerant country.

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Jholawala and the art of social policy planning

Right from the onset of Sense and Solidarity-Jholawala Economics for Everyone, author Jean Dreze sets the tone for the whole book, which is to unravel the simple human facets of the mammoth statistics affecting our lives. Revered as one of the finest development economists of the world, Jean Dreze dissects the relationship of the Indian economy with that of the millions still in need of the basic amenities, promised by a developing country. Dreze, himself an activist-economist, attempts to enumerate the factors impacting our perspective of a socially impaired society; factors that are considered ‘unfashionable’ but nevertheless offer a view of a changing society.

Sense and Solidarity is a collection of essays co-authored with some of Dreze’s colleagues and friends. The essays, written over a period of time, is divided into 10 chapters- ‘Drought and Hunger’, ‘Poverty’, ‘School Meals’, ‘Health Care’, ‘Child Development and Elementary Education’, ‘Employment Guarantee’, ‘Food Security and Public Distribution System’, ‘Corporate Power and Technocracy’, ‘War and Peace’ and ‘Top-Up’. Each chapter includes essays most relevant to the theme. Most of the essays have been previously published in the ‘The Hindu’. The author had previously co-authored books like Hunger and Public Action and An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions with Nobel Prize-winning economist, Amartya Sen, among others.

While the essays reflect mainly on the social policy changes that the given topic has witnessed over time, what they repeatedly focus on is the concept of research-oriented action or as Dreze calls it ‘Research for Action’. In the words of Dreze, the concept reflects on how ‘research can help with arguments and evidence that contribute to more effective action’. It also calls out the existing norm of using excessive verbose phraseology among economists which make their papers difficult for the masses to comprehend and hence creates a wall in the contribution to action.

Some of the observations made by Dreze and his co-authors reveal a fallout of the development policies in areas where they are most required. Dreze points out three basic reasons for these failures- inefficiency, corruption and exploitation. The toll of these issues in the mental and physical health of the population lies unattended. As far as Dreze’s field research goes, corruption has hampered even the basic functioning of the Public Distribution System(PDS) in inaccessible areas of the country, a subject that he explores throughout the book. In addition to that, while the traditional methods of livelihoods are collapsing there is a lack of suitable alternatives for the people coming out of these means of living. In the essay, ‘Fragile Lifelines, Robust Oppression’, Dreze talks about his experience across the Kalahandi-Bolangir-Korapur region of Odisha. While, the region’s economic backwardness had many contributing factors, it was a less observed factor which was taking a toll on its inhabitants. That of declining land productivity and lack of economic diversification.

Throughout the book, the author calls out the inconsistencies in statistical inferences because of the fact that undermines real human problems that can only be experienced by visiting and talking to the subjects first-hand. Dreze’s instead uses insights from his field surveys conducted by student volunteers. What is interesting about these surveys is that most of the student volunteers working for Dreze and Dr. Reetika Khera were either paid very low or were not paid at all. This again was part of their campaign which called for “Hard work, No pay”. To Dreze’s surprise, the response to this campaign was overwhelming and students from almost all over the country applied for the programme to work in the remote areas of the country with little or no resources. Here Dreze also points out the concept of donations with no strings attached. For the author, the dependence of academic research on funding agencies have serious repercussions, especially, if the agency has its own agenda in the research. However, doing away with funding agencies means adopting a low-cost research process, which again is a difficult proposition for many academic researchers.

While most policies are drafted for the advantage of the economically backward, what they lack is the inclusion of all aspects of any issue. Dreze, for example, questions the Draft Approach Paper policy to the 11th plan for undermining the bigger issue of the state of Indian children, especially, those under the age of six. It should be noted that nearly half of India’s children under six years of age are undernourished, while more than half suffer from Anaemia. While such children are covered under the Integrated Children Development Scheme (ICDS) also known as the Anganwadi scheme, only half of these children are registered with the scheme and a plan to provide full coverage for all children is yet to be implemented. The bigger worry, as pointed out by the writer, is the apathy of the officials towards the scheme, thanks to the notion that the scheme cannot work. However, Dreze says that evidence as provided by Focus on Children Under Six (FOCUS), offers enough evidence that the scheme is, in fact, effective but needs to be made more efficient. As the Economist puts it, “A decent society cannot be built on the ruins of hunger, malnutrition, and ill health.”

One of the early supporters of the National Rural Employee Guarantee Act (NREGA), Dreze, in the essay, Employment Guarantee’, explores how the scheme has shown some actual achievements by including economically weaker sections like Dalits in its ambit. However, here the author believes that like many other programmes in India, NREGA, too, has to work on the accountability factor if the interests mentioned in the plan are to be achieved. The scheme is plagued by issues pertaining to the volition of workers’ entitlements. The problems, Dreze says, lies in the huge social distance that separates government officials from NREGA workers. The economist best explains it as a pro-worker law implemented by an anti-worker system.

With the PDS, NREGA and most of the public policies covered in the book, Dreze did not shy away from the controversial topic of Aadhaar either. In the essay titled, ‘Unique Identity Dilemma’, Dreze points out that although the UID seems like a “foolproof solution” to identity verification in India, the scheme’s uncertain terms need to be questioned. Because, while the UID has in itself been claimed to be voluntary, it has been made mandatory for accessing the benefits of important social schemes like the NREGA and PDS. According to the writer, this not only creates the issue of social control but also fails to offer a back-up for areas with technological connectivity. Further, since there is no privacy law guiding it, the public has basically no protection against the misuse of their personal data.

In all, Sense and Solidarity does break down complex and inarticulate numerical data into simple human statistics through the use of actual field experience. Unlike, many books in this domain the language is simple and easy for everyone to understand. Most importantly, Dreze remains true to the core aspect of the book — engaging the policymakers and the Jholawalas to start an inclusive deliberation on social policy planning.

 

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A Royal Encounter

Rajyashree Kumari

Your book encompasses five generations of an aristocratic family’s past and present. Tell us how you dealt with a subject matter of such enormity.

Actually it encompasses more than five generations. The task was not that difficult as most of my research work had already been completed when I wrote my second book The Maharajas of Bikaner, so my reference material was all in place. My task was to add new information and fill in the gaps as and where they occurred. This was also made easier by having ready access to our archives in Bikaner which are extremely comprehensive.

Tell us some of the book’s anecdotes in terms of the “tales of valour, battles and coronations, the splendour of the royal courts” that you relate in the book.

Till the time of Maharaja Anup Singh, tenth Maharaja of Bikaner, all my ancestors fought actively in many battles. Some were to protect the integrity of their territory from invaders and the others were in fighting in the Mughal armies in the Deccan. Coronations in olden days were rarely glamorous events. Most took place in the battlefield. If the father was killed while fighting twelve days later, his peers crowned the eldest son in line with a ‘tilak’ on the forehead. They paused for a while and then went back to the battlefield and got on with what they had to do. Almost all my ancestors in one form or another were great patrons of the arts and literature. In their time, the Bikaner school of miniature painting was developed and flourished.

Tell our readers more about your formative years during the ‘60s which led you on to an adventurous journey from Bikaner to London.

It was an incredible time to be growing up. Change was everywhere — the Beatles changed the world of music overnight, conservative thinking and behaviour was shunned, people were free to express themselves in any way they chose to dress — that was the era of bellbottom trousers! — to the way they did their hair and makeup. It was a seismic change and altered the world forever. I enjoyed the sixties enormously. I enjoyed the music and experimented with my clothes, hair and makeup; it was a very creative and liberating time.

Not many people know that you are a shooter. At the age of 7, you won the National Air Rifle Championship; at the age of 16, you were awarded the Arjuna Award; and you stood first at the 16th National Shooting Championships. Tell our readers more about how shooting happened to you at this young age.

It was quite natural for me to take up shooting. We came from a hunting and shooting background. Members of the family were encouraged to take up a gun early and begin training in the art of shooting. What may have been slightly different in our case is that my father encouraged his daughters to do the same. I obviously had some talent for shooting and he picked up on that and coached me to be a good shot. My father was an amazing coach and was enormously patient. He was very generous of his time and always willing to help young shooters. We had an excellent world-class shooting range in Bikaner where I was able to practise and hone the art.

You have played an active role in the preservation of heritage properties, ancestral forts, palaces and cenotaphs of the Bikaner royal family. You also helped set up the Sadul Museum in the Lallgarh Palace. Tell our readers more details about all of these projects.

It is a duty to my ancestors and their legacy that I try and fulfil to the best of my ability. It is a constant ongoing process with new projects on the anvil all the time. Of course, it is very satisfying when one executes a project successfully but then there is no time to pause. The next project needs attention. At present, we are in the process of digitising the thousands of files of my great grandfather Maharaja Ganga Singhji. They are, as you would expect, with time and wear and tear in a precarious condition. We have one gallery in Sadul Museum which displays revolving subjects and we try and change them annually. Currently, Sudhir Kasliwal of the famous Gem Palace in Jaipur is displaying his photographs there, which are extremely popular with visitors.

Further, you have reprinted old books, TV documentaries and films about your family. You have also published the biographies of your great grandfather Maharaja Ganga Singhji, your grandfather Maharaja Sadul Singhji and your father Maharaja Dr Karni Singhji. Tell us more about these initiatives.

In my view, the most important book I commissioned was the two-volume biography on my grandfather Maharaja Sadul Singhji — a great and noble man who faced many hardships during his time, such as the merger of the states into the union of India and shortly thereafter the partition. He was always in the shadow of his famous and powerful father Maharaja Ganga Singhji and his equally successful son, my father Maharaja Karni Singhji. I felt it was time to recognise his enormous and important contribution to the state of Bikaner. It gives me great satisfaction that Professor L S Rathore took up this project at my request and executed it perfectly. Recently, we have reprinted the Golden Jubilee book of my great grandfather. There is a huge demand for this book from all across India. Now, all the past three generations have their own biographies in print. I feel that I have done my duty to them and their legacy.

Previous books by you include The Lallgarh Palace—Home of the Maharajas of Bikaner and The Maharajas of Bikaner. Give our readers a peek into both these books.

The first book was based on the family palace. Five generations had lived here and it had a rich history besides having stunning architecture. It was an effort to bring alive both the palace and the family members who lived there. It is a coffee table book with many photographs — these are always very popular. The second was a historic book based on the life of my ancestors from the founder of Bikaner Rao Bika to my brother Maharaja Narendra Singh. The history of the ancestors existed in old books such as Narrative House of Bikaner and Powlett’s Gazetteer but I found them very old-fashioned and slightly dull in their narrative. The history of the ancestors needed to connect with the current day reader. So, I dusted off the old books and wrote the narrative in a modern and easily readable style which the contemporary reader can associate with.

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Sacred Games on Netflix turns a game changer

Actor Saif Ali Khan has not been having a good run at the movies in recent times. He has delivered winsome performances in Kalakaandi and Chef, but neither film did well. But Saif’s brooding, bearded face, beaming down from hoardings across Indian cities has piqued curiosity. In Sacred Games, the first of its kind big ticket Indian web series, he plays inspector Sartaj Singh, a book character that has been waiting in hardbound for over a decade for a gripping screen adaptation. Co-shouldering this project is Nawazuddin Siddiqui, one of the finest actors and an Indian face recognised amongst international film folk for offbeat performances. Radhika Apte plays an important part. Recognised faces from cinema like Neeraj Kabi, Aamir Bashir, Surveen Chawla and Geetanjali Thapa play key parts in the modern day epic saga. Speaking at the press conference to announce this project, Saif explained his excitement about leading a Netflix series, “I am really hoping that we will be completely free to expose and express ourselves. It’s both challenging and daunting and we have no reason to not deliver something that stands up to international quality.”

Sacred Games brings recognised names from the Indian film industry.  Vikramaditya Motwane is the show runner and executive producer and co-director, along with Anurag Kashyap who is the director of this series. Produced under their banner, Phantom Films, the visually rich and massive book by Vikram Chandra is being adapted for screen by National Film Award winning writer Varun Grover, and his colleagues Smita Singh and Vasant Nath.  While launching the series, Vikram Chandra explained his role in the screen adaptation as,  “I was a kind of consultant on adapting the book. Varun Grover, Vasant Nath and Smita Singh have been an absolute pleasure to work with; they have reimagined my book and world is exciting.”

Upon watching the series, as the author has successfully completed four episodes, one notices that Phantom Films and the show’s creative team has upheld global standards in visual story telling and treatment. One also notices the high-impact background score (by Alokananda Dasgupta and Rachita Arora) knitted with the series narrative, in sync with international programs. With a cast top lined by a Bollywood star and worthy talent from cinema, Sacred Games heralds a potentially permanent change in Indian cinema.

Like previous Netflix original shows House of Cards, The Medici, Narcos, Stranger Things and the game changing series, The Crown, this series utilises solid Indian screenwriting, directing and acting talent on long format. It also offers them an international platform to screen like no other. It brings a creative outlet for stars and actors beyond commercial cinema, a space that Saif Ali Khan and Nawazuddin Siddiqui clearly blossom in. Netflix streams in 190 countries worldwide. Unlike the pressures of a film releasing, Sacred Games will remain on Netflix for eternity, giving viewers across the globe a chance to watch it whenever they like.  Watching the show is pleasurable also because its screen writers have adapted it to contemporary Mumbai reality effortlessly. Written over a decade ago, Vikram Chandra’s book was anticipated to become a best seller that makes money. It didn’t become a huge success. Even so, Chandra’s merging of the Mumbai underworld with communal politics, the Babri Masjid demolition and Indian intelligence operations across South Asia was an intoxicating brew that has grown a cult following among readers. Grover, Singh and Nath have adapted his world to the ISIS and Al-Qaeda threat, the underbelly of communal tensions marking Mumbai’s slums and poor neighborhoods and an era where cellphones get tracked and GPS is used extensively by the police and RAW.

Sacred Games is the most high profile Netflix original to launch from India but it’s not the first. Ronnie Screwvala has returned to producing films with RSVP and his company delivered the first Netflix original film with Love Per Square Foot earlier this year. Starring Vicky Kaushal, Angira Dhar and top-notch actors, this romantic comedy did very well because of its universally appealing story about urban housing and typical Indian treatment. Similarly, the edgy Brahman Naman, not a film for everyone but one with cult potential, was acquired by the streaming giant in 2016 and found success worldwide.

Streaming brings a world of opportunity for filmmakers and actors from India. The long format gives a chance for stories to grow, flourish and develop over time. It leads to experimentation and freedom in exploring unconventional methods of storytelling. Hollywood stars like Robin Wright, Dustin Hoffman, Nicole Kidman, Winona Ryder and others have moved to shows on streaming platforms and TV in recent times. Creatively these are satisfying outlets and in terms of reach, their expanse goes beyond Hollywood. As Vikramaditya Motwane, executive producer and co-director of Sacred Games said, “We are getting more excited by the longer format. The option of telling stories about characters for more than two hours and for over seasons, is so exciting. It’s also very new.”

Amazon Prime has also actively acquired and streamed original Indian content successfully, gaining an edge over Netflix. With two original shows Breathe starring R Madhavan and Inside Edge starring Vivek Oberoi, Richa Chaddha, etc. Prime has focused on more Hindi titles and content. They have acquired leading Hindi films in the last couple of years and have committed 300 million USD to backing original Indian content. Strategically, Amazon Prime has a different approach of price sensitivity and larger numbers whereas Netflix aims at urban 18 to 35 audiences with global tastes and building loyalties. Prime might have added numbers but their TV shows have not made the same impact as Netflix’s Sacred Games. Between both, Indian creative talent has more opportunities to create and explore better, more interesting homegrown stories.

Always more cutting edge and progressive than Hindi cinema, South Indian cinema has worked out an advantage on Netflix. Most regional language content on the platform is acquired like the Baahubali films.  Recent Tamil films include originals like Priyadarshan’s Sila Samayangalil (Sometimes), Kalki, Revelations and the acclaimed festival favorite, Radiopetti. With Sacred Games, Hindi cinema makes a promising new beginning with an innovative creative format.

Streaming online has immense potential in India as busy work schedules and changing tastes reduce the appeal of appointment viewing on television. With original Indian content matching up to global standards in storytelling, like Sacred Games achieves, this brings a chance to upgrade quality and access more audiences across the world for Indian filmmakers, writers and cinematic talent. Question now remains whether Indian cinema can take advantage of this opportunity and turn a corner for the better.

Monumental mistakes: From Wah Taj! to Oh Taj!

India’s Supreme Court recently advised the Central and Uttar Pradesh governments to either shut down the Taj Mahal, demolish it or restore it. The statement was obviously out of anger and exasperation against indifference of the concerned authorities. For past 31 years, the apex court has been trying to save the 17th century monument by passing a slew of orders to force governments and Archaeological Survey of India to take up restoration work on a war-footing. All its suggestions and verdicts seem to have no takers.

The latest scolding from the court came in response to a petition citing concerns about the impact of pollution on Agra’s ivory-white marble mausoleum, which draws about 70,000 people every day. In May this year, the court had instructed the government to seek foreign help to fix the “worrying change in colour” of the Shah Jahan-built structure that first turned yellow and was now turning brown and green due to pollution, construction and insect dung.

This is not the first time that the beauty of the world’s seventh wonder is under threat. In the 18th century, the Jat rulers of Bharatpur invaded Agra and attacked Taj Mahal. The two chandeliers, one of agate and another of silver that were hung over the main cenotaph, were taken away by them, along with the gold and silver screen. The gold shield which covered the 4.6-metre-high (15 ft) finial at the top of the main dome was also removed during the Jat despoliation.

By the late 19th century, parts of the buildings had fallen into disrepair. During the time of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the Taj Mahal was defaced by British soldiers and government officials, who chiselled out precious stones and lapis lazuli from its walls.

In 1942, the government erected a scaffolding to disguise the building in anticipation of air attacks by the Japanese Air Force. During the India-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, scaffolding were again raised to mislead bomber pilots.

The latest threats have come from environmental pollution on the banks of the Yamuna River. The pollution has been turning the Taj Mahal yellow. To help control the pollution, the Indian government has set up the Taj Trapezium Zone (TTZ), a 10,400-square-kilometre area around the monument where strict emissions standards are in place. But the TTZ authority, it seems, is not so serious about curbing the pollution in the area. On July 11, the Supreme Court grilled it for considering proposals to expand industries in the city of Taj Mahal when there was an “ad hoc moratorium” on it.

Concerns for the tomb’s structural integrity have recently been raised because of a decline in the groundwater level in the Yamuna river basin which is falling at a rate of around 1.5 m per year.

In 2010, cracks appeared in parts of the tomb, and the minarets which surround the monument were showing signs of tilting, as the wooden foundation of the tomb may be rotting due to lack of water.

Politicians, however, suggest that the minarets are designed to tilt slightly outwards to prevent them from crashing on top of the tomb in the event of an earthquake.

In 2011, some predictions suggested that the tomb could collapse within 5 years. Small minarets located at two of the outlying buildings were damaged by a storm on April 11 this year.

The Centre and the state need to get serious about creating a roadmap to tackle the monument’s deteriorating condition, with particular focus on pollution. As the Supreme Court recently put it, “Taj Mahal has to be protected. Taj is more beautiful than the Eiffel Tower and could have solved the country’s foreign exchange problem.”

Uddhav Thackeray to take final call on no-confidence motion: Sanjay Raut

Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut on Thursday said that his party chief Uddhav Thackeray is yet to take a final call on whether to vote in favour or against the no-confidence motion which will be held on 20th July.

“Everyone will come to know regarding the Shiv Sena’s decision on the no-confidence motion against the ruling government in the Lok Sabha tomorrow,” he said.

Shiv Sena leader accused centre government for not fulfilling its promise after coming to the power.

“Modi-led government failed to develop the economy in the past four years. If one looks closely, scores of farmers in the country are still reeling under agrarian crisis and are committing suicide.”

Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan announced in the House during the first day of the Monsoon session on Wednesday that the discussion will be followed by voting on the same day.

“The House will take up the debate (on the motion) on Friday, July 20th. The discussion will be held for the full day, followed by voting on it,” said Mahajan.

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