Adding to the alliance’s image crisis are allegations that party tickets were being sold for money. Then there are legacy issues Tejashwi may have to face is mind the RJD’s past related with father, former Chief Minister Lalu Prasad, and allegations of ‘jungle raaj’ associated with the party.
Photo: Tejashwi Yadav social media account
Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav is expected to be officially announced as the chief ministerial candidate of the INDIA bloc in Bihar on Thursday. The development follows meetings on Wednesday between senior Congress leader Ashok Gehlot, state in-charge Krishna Allavaru, and RJD patriarch Lalu Prasad Yadav aimed at resolving a weeks-long deadlock within the opposition alliance.
Although the Congress has not issued a formal statement on the meeting’s outcome, CPI(ML) general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya indicated that Tejashwi’s candidature could be formally declared at a joint press conference on Thursday. “Everyone in Bihar knows Tejashwi will lead the government if the INDIA bloc secures a majority,” Bhattacharya was quoted as saying.
As far as Congress is concerned, Gehlot told reporters that “all confusion over the CM face will end today,” though he avoided confirming details. The Congress had so far been hesitant to publicly endorse Tejashwi as the alliance’s leader in Bihar, even as the RJD acknowledged Rahul Gandhi as the INDIA bloc’s choice for prime minister in the next general election.
Addressing reports of seat-sharing disputes that led to INDIA bloc partners contesting against each other, Gehlot dismissed the issue, calling such “friendly fights” common in coalition politics. “People of Bihar want change. They understand that our unity is essential for the country’s future,” he said.
Tejashwi, meanwhile, sought to downplay talk of divisions. “There is no controversy or confusion in the INDIA bloc. We’ll speak tomorrow, and you’ll get answers to all your questions,” he told the media.
The last major show of unity among the bloc’s top leaders came during the launch of the ‘Ati Pichhda EBC Sankalp Patra’ in Patna on September 24, attended by Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Tejashwi Yadav, and Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) chief Mukesh Sahani.
However, the alliance continues to grapple with internal friction unlike the united face of the BJP-JD(U)-LJP NDA . The RJD has announced 143 candidates, while the Congress has fielded 61, leaving several overlapping claims unresolved. Smaller allies, including the Left parties and VIP, have voiced dissatisfaction, and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has already withdrawn from the coalition after its seat demands were ignored. In several constituencies, both Congress and CPI candidates are contesting, potentially splitting the anti-NDA vote.
Behind the scenes, tensions have reportedly worsened due to what local leaders call “Delhi-style micromanagement.” Congress functionaries have accused state leaders Rajesh Ram and Krishna Allavaru of running the campaign like a “corporate setup,” sidelining grassroots workers. Some insiders believe that bringing in a more seasoned negotiator, such as Bhupesh Baghel, might have averted the standoff.
Adding to the alliance’s image crisis are allegations that party tickets were being sold for money, eroding public trust. Then there are legacy issues Tejashwi may have to face is mind the RJD’s past related with father, former Chief Minister Lalu Prasad, and allegations of ‘jungle raaj’ associated with the party.
For the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the opposition’s disarray has proven politically advantageous. With the NDA projecting a united and disciplined front, analysts say the Mahagathbandhan’s internal turmoil risks alienating voters who saw it as a credible alternative.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is unlikely to attend the upcoming ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur from October 26 to 28. According to reports, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar is expected to represent the country at the meeting. While there has been no official confirmation from the Indian government, sources suggest the decision is due to scheduling constraints and pressing domestic engagements.
PM Modi has traditionally led India’s participation in ASEAN and East Asia Summit meetings, reflecting India’s commitment to its “Act East” policy and the importance it places on ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. His likely absence this year marks a shift from previous summits, though officials emphasize that India’s engagement with ASEAN remains strong. There are also indications that Modi may address the summit virtually, ensuring India’s continued high-level presence.
Analysts view Jaishankar’s representation as a signal of continuity in policy, even if not at the head-of-government level. India’s participation will likely focus on strengthening economic, connectivity, and security cooperation with Southeast Asia.
U.S. President Donald Trump has confirmed his attendance at the summit, according to Malaysian officials. His presence is expected to draw significant global attention, particularly as he is also set to witness the signing of a peace deal between Thailand and Cambodia during the event. Trump’s participation highlights Washington’s renewed engagement with Southeast Asia under his leadership and underscores the growing strategic importance of the Indo-Pacific region. His visit will likely include several bilateral meetings with ASEAN leaders, further shaping the geopolitical agenda of the summit.
Notably, this will be the second time in recent months that Modi and Trump will not share a global platform. Earlier, the Prime Minister skipped the Gaza Peace Summit in Egypt, where Trump, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and Pakistan’s Shehbaz Sharif were present. India was represented instead by Minister of State for External Affairs Kirti Vardhan Singh. The move was seen as a carefully calibrated diplomatic choice, underscoring New Delhi’s preference for selective engagement on sensitive multilateral issues.
Of the 26 ministers in the newly constructed Gujarat state Cabinet, five ministers (19%) have declared criminal cases against themselves in their election affidavits. Among them, one has serious criminal charges, including offences related to attempt to murder, corruption, or crimes against women.
Following the reconstitution of the Gujarat State Cabinet on October 17, 2025, an analysis by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and Gujarat Election Watch has revealed key insights into the background of the 26 ministers, including the Chief Minister. The data, drawn from self-sworn affidavits submitted during the 2022 Assembly elections and subsequent bye-elections, sheds light on the prevalence of criminal charges, wealth concentration, educational diversity, and gender representation within the cabinet.
As many as 21 Ministers, including 19 fresh faces, were sworn in on Friday (October 17) as part of Gujarat’s newly constituted Cabinet under Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel with Harsh Sanghvi as his first Deputy Chief Minister. Analysts note that while criminal charges do not imply guilt, the presence of such cases among elected representatives raises concerns about accountability and the integrity of public office.
Financially, the cabinet is heavily skewed towards wealth. A striking 23 ministers (88%) are crorepatis, with average assets per minister standing at Rs 11.12 crore. The richest among them is Rivaba Jadeja, MLA from Jamnagar North, with declared assets of Rs 97.35 crore. At the other end of the spectrum is Dr. Jayrambhai Chemabhai Gamit, MLA from Nizar (ST), who has assets worth Rs 46.96 lakh. Additionally, 18 ministers have declared liabilities, with Parshottambhai O. Solanki leading the list with Rs 8.93 crore in debts.
In terms of education, the cabinet displays a mix of qualifications. Six ministers have education levels between 8th and 12th standard, while 16 hold graduate-level degrees or higher. Four ministers possess diploma qualifications. This variety suggests a range of experiences, though the dominance of higher-educated ministers may influence policy directions.
Gender representation remains limited, with only three women (12%) in the cabinet. Among them is Rivaba Jadeja, whose political debut has drawn significant media attention. Despite their low numbers, the presence of women ministers is seen as a step forward, albeit a modest one.
Age-wise, the cabinet is largely composed of individuals between 51 and 70 years (58%), with a smaller group aged 31 to 50 years (38%) and one minister above 70.
The analysis offers a comprehensive snapshot of the current cabinet’s profile, highlighting both diversity and persistent structural imbalances in representation and integrity.
Using political statements and satire, the Congress launched a sharp political attack on Prime Minister Narendra Modi after US President Donald Trump again claimed that India was reducing oil imports from Russia. Trump stated that Modi had assured him of cutting back on Russian crude purchases — a claim the Indian government has not officially confirmed.
The opposition party accused the Modi government of lacking transparency in foreign policy matters, with party leader Jairam Ramesh saying, “While Mr. Modi conceals, Mr. Trump reveals.” He criticized the Prime Minister for only publicly acknowledging Trump’s Diwali greetings, without mentioning the discussion on oil imports.
Trump praised the Indo-US relationship and mentioned his phone call with Modi, claiming India “is not going to buy much oil from Russia” and that both leaders desire an end to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. He added that India had already reduced its imports significantly and continues to scale back.
Congress noted that this is not the first time Trump has spoken publicly about India’s decisions before the Indian government did — citing Operation Sindoor as an example, where Trump allegedly announced India’s ceasefire plans with Pakistan before Modi did.
On social media, the Congress escalated its criticism by sharing an AI-generated satirical video portraying Trump dictating orders to Modi in Hindi, with Modi responding submissively. The video mocks the Prime Minister’s claim of being a strong leader, suggesting instead that he follows Trump’s lead unquestioningly.
Congress also accused Modi of outsourcing critical foreign policy decisions to Trump, alleging that the PM becomes silent whenever Trump publicly reveals discussions supposedly held in private. The party went further to claim that India’s foreign policy has “collapsed” under Modi, urging the government to take opposition leaders into confidence through formal consultations.
According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs, India’s oil trade is guided by market needs and consumer interest in a volatile energy market. MEA Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said he was unaware of any conversation in which Modi promised to halt oil imports from Russia.
The US, under Trump, had increased tariffs on Indian goods — including penalties linked to India’s oil trade with Moscow — causing strain in bilateral relations. India called these actions “unfair and unreasonable.”
Amid rising political heat, the Congress continues to challenge the government’s credibility, arguing that Modi’s silence only strengthens perceptions of a one-sided relationship where key national decisions are influenced by external powers.
Despite the GST cuts rolled out by the government to ease consumer burden, most local retailers in Delhi-NCR continue selling essentials at old rates, denying relief and leaving ordinary buyers paying more than promised. A report by TehelkaSIT.
In his Independence Day speech on August 15, 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Next-Generation” Goods and Services Tax (GST) reforms, that would include substantial rate cuts. He described the changes as “Diwali gifts” for citizens and a way to reduce the tax burden on the ordinary person. The new rates came into effect on September 22, 2025, coinciding with the start of Navratri festival. A day before the new GST rates were implemented, Prime Minister Modi addressed the nation, promising that the “Next-generation GST reforms” would simplify the tax structure and make hundreds of everyday goods and services more affordable. The earlier four-tier structure (5%, 12%, 18%, 28%) was replaced with a simpler two-tier system of 5% and 18%.
Immediately after the announcement of the GST rate cuts, the Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA) was tasked with ensuring that businesses passed on the full benefits of the reduced GST rates to buyers. Violators could be charged with “unfair trade practices,” an offence under the Consumer Protection Act, 2019. A special wing of the consumer-rights watchdog was directed to monitor market rates of over 430 commonly traded items through field inspections following the new, lower national consumption tax. “The CCPA will keep a tight vigil to ensure all benefits of the new GST regime are passed on to consumers. Any violation will be treated as an unfair trade practice and action will be taken,” said Nidhi Khare, Union Consumer Affairs Secretary, as reported by the media.
The GST Bachat Utsav—the GST savings festival—was launched with much fanfare following the rate reductions. But reports from across the country indicate that shopkeepers are not passing on the benefits of these cuts to customers. Traders continue to sell goods at old prices, claiming they are “clearing old stock” purchased under the previous tax rates. Under the GST 2.0 reforms, the central government had reduced tax rates on several categories of products, claiming this would ease the burden on ordinary citizens ahead of the festive season and help them save more. However, consumers allege that traders are misleading and overcharging them, taking advantage of lax monitoring.
To find out the ground reality, Tehelka carried out a reality check in Delhi-NCR to see whether shopkeepers were actually passing on the GST benefits to the common man. During this exercise, Tehelka visited several stores—big and small—and spoke to ordinary people for whom the government had promised relief through the GST rate cuts.
“GST rate cuts are mostly benefitting the rich, not the poor. Car prices have come down after the cuts, but cars are bought by the rich, not the common man. Big branded stores are passing on the GST benefits, but ordinary grocery shops are not offering any rate cuts. The poor generally buy daily needs items from local kirana shops, and not from branded stores,” said Sudhir Kumar, who runs a mobile shop in Wazidpur, Sector 134, Noida. He admitted that he himself was selling items at the same old rates.
“I’m selling medicines at the old rates because my stock is old. So, I’m not offering any GST relief to my customers. When new stock comes with new MRPs, we’ll see then,” said Parvinder Mavi, owner of Durga Medical Store in Nagli, Sector 134, Noida.
“I’m not getting any GST relief on the coconuts I buy from Azadpur Mandi in Delhi, so how can I sell coconut water at lower prices? Whenever I mention the GST cut to traders at the mandi, they ignore it and tell me either to buy at the old price or leave,” said Nadeem Khan, a coconut water seller in Sector 107, Noida.
“All daily-need items are selling at the same old prices. Nothing has changed after the GST cuts—it’s all on paper. Whether you buy flour, milk or anything else, the prices are unchanged. There’s no GST relief for the common man. If I’m selling eyeglass frames at old rates, that’s understandable because they’re from old stock. But curiously, even daily essentials are being sold at the same prices,” said Mustakeem, owner of Malik Optical Shop in Wazidpur, Sector 134, Noida.
“I haven’t got any price relief after the GST cut. I’m paying the same rates for daily essentials as before,” said consumer Kirpal Maurya.
“My salesman told me that the items I buy for my shop are still priced the same. There’s been no reduction after the recent GST cut announced by the government. So, I’m charging the same rates for haircuts, shaving, hair colour and other services. The GST cut exists only on paper. Even household items like rice, flour and cooking oil are still being sold at old rates. There’s been no price relaxation at all,” said Naseem, a barber shop owner in Sector 134, Noida.
During its GST cut spot checks, Tehelka met Parvinder Mavi, owner of Durga Medical Store in Sector 134, Noida. In the following brief exchange with him, the reporter finds that the much-publicised GST rate cuts have failed to trickle down to consumers. Mavi admits that he continues to sell medicines at old rates, citing unsold stock as the reason. Though he acknowledges that prices may drop with new supplies, the benefit remains theoretical for now—leaving the common buyer untouched by the so-called relief.
Parvinder-Mavi
Reporter- Ab to rate kam ho gaye honge dawai par, GST hatne se? Parvinder- Abhi to chal raha hai. Reporter- Chal raha matlab? Parvinder- Abhi market jana nahi hua na, kuch par badhenge, kuch par ghatenge. Reporter- To aapke wahi rate hain….purane wale? Parvinder- Haan. Reporter- Purana stock hoga, kisi par GST kam nahi hue? Parvinder- Abhi mere pass to nahi, jo hai purana hi hai. Reporter- Dawaiyon par to lagbhag sabhi par GST kam hui hai? Parvinder- Haan ab jo maal aayega na.. uspar. Reporter- Abhi purana maal hai? Parvinder- Abhi purana maal hai. Reporter- Usi rate par bech rahe ho,,,,puranae wale? Parvinder- Haan, ab jo aayega na, MRP kam hokar aayega. Reporter- Tabhi janta ko fayda nahi ho raha aapse.
[This interaction underlines how traders use “old stock” as a convenient shield to avoid passing on tax benefits. It shows the gap between government announcements and actual market behaviour. The lesson is clear—without vigilant enforcement, consumer gains stay on paper.]
Now, we met Nadeem, who has been selling coconut water in Sector 107, Noida, for many years. We asked him whether the price of a coconut had come down after the GST cut. He replied in the negative. Nadeem said that since the rate of coconuts at Azaadpur Mandi in Delhi—where he purchases the fruit—has not decreased, he cannot sell coconut water at lower prices. His rates have remained the same for the past several months: Rs 80 per coconut. In the ensuing exchange, it becomes evident that the impact of the GST cuts has not reached the ground.
Nadeem
Reporter- Kya rate hai Nariyal paani? Nadeem- 80 rupay. Reporter- Abhi kum nahin kiye rate tumney? Nadeem- Kaafi time se hai. Reporter- Arey par ab to GST kum ho gayi? Nadeem- Aaj bhi 72-71 rupay hai nariyal Azaadpur Mandi mein. Reporter- Nariyal paani par bhi to GST kum hui hai? Nadeem- Mandi wale jab kum de tabhi to ho. Reporter- Mein to samajh raha tha ki tum 60 rupay ka bechogey aaj? Nadeem- Aaj bhi 70-72 rupay Azaadpur mandi mein hai. Reporter- Nariyal ki keemat? Nadeem – Ha. Reporter- Kaha se laatey ho? Nadeem- Azaadpur se. Reporter- Waha bhi kum nahin hua? Nadeem- Waha bhi kum nahin hua. Reporter- Humein kaisey pata…ho sakta hai jhooth bol rahe ho tum? Nadeem- Humara daily ka kaam hai. Reporter- Wahan GST kum ho gayi ho par tum GST laga rahe ho? Nadeem- Apki baat main manta hun.. magar mandi key andar koi nahin manta. Waha to paisa mangta hai, kehte hai ye rate hai….lena ho to lo nahin to jao. Reporter- Tum to 80 rupay bahut time se bech rahe ho? Nadeem- Bahut time se. Reporter- Nahin.. GST kum hui hai.. tab to sasta hona chahiye? Nadeem- GST kum hui hai to maal sasta hona chahiye…magar mandi ke andar sasta nahin hua.
[This interaction exposes a clear disconnect between policy and practice. The trader accepts that GST has been reduced but passes the blame up the supply chain. It reminds us that without accountability at every level, benefits rarely reach the end consumer.]
When Tehelka contacted Malik Optical to check whether the consumers were getting the benefit of GST relief while buying items from the shop, its owner, Mustakeem, told the reporter that prices of daily-need items have not changed after the GST rate cut. He said he is paying the same prices for all essentials as he was before the tax relaxation. According to him, the GST rate cut exists only on paper. Even the prices of the merchandise he was selling, such as spectacle frames, continue as before—unaffected by the so-called reforms, he said.
Mustakeem
Reporter- Ab to rate kam ho gaye hongey frame ke… GST hat gayi hai..? Mustakeem- Kis cheez ke rate kam hue hain bata do!? Doodh aaj bhi 70 rupee kilo hi aa raha hai, anaj bhi wahi rate aa raha hai…ye dikhane ke liye hi hai kaagazon mein, haqeekat mein kuch bhi nahi hai. Mustakeem (continues)- Doodh 70 hi aa raha hai abhi kyun, ek rupiya bhi kam na hua. Ye to chodho (referring to frames), roz nahi kahreede ga aadmi, jo roz ki cheez hai daily ki, usmein 1 rupiya bhi kam nahi hua hai, kaagazon mein hai bas. Reporter- Sarkar keh rahi hai GST hata di 22 September se. Mustakeem- Chalo frame to aisi cheez hai 6 mahine pehle kharida, 4 mahine pehle kharidi, lekin jo roz packing mein aa rahai hai usmein 1 paisa kam na hua abhi tak. Doodh ka rate wahi hai 70, jo pehle tha. Mustakeem (continues) – Jo packet mein aate hain doodh..uski baat kar raha hoon. Reporter- Motherdairy ka bhi wahi rate hai? Mustakeem- Wahi rate hai, ek paisa bhi kam nahi hua. Reporter- Hamari society mein jo Motherdairy hai usne to kam kar diya. Mustakeem- Kisi ne bhi kam nahi kiya sir, MRP check kar lo, usi rate par mil raha hai, ek cheez par bhi kam nahi hua hai, kaagazon mein hai! Reoporter- Matlab abhi chashmon mein bhi nahi hai, abhi koi umeed nahi hai.? Mustakeem –Nahi sir, abhi kaagazon mein hi hai…yahi haqeeqat hai. Reporter- Kaagaz matlab aapke ya sarkar ke? Mustakeem- Sabke… hamare pass to hokar hi jayega jab order aayega to.
[In the above exchange with the owner of an eyeglasses shop in Noida, frustration over the hollow nature of the GST relief is unmistakable. Mustakeem says that even prices of essential items like milk and grains have remained unchanged despite government claims. He points out that the rate cuts exist only on paper, with no visible effect on daily purchases.]
Tehelka then contacted Naseem, owner of a barber shop in Sector 134, Noida, to check whether he had reduced his rates after the GST cuts on several items used in his shop. According to Naseem, his supplier told him that the products he purchases for the shop are still priced the same, with no reduction after the GST relaxation. Therefore, he continues to charge the same rates for haircuts, shaving, hair colouring, and other services. To buttress his argument, Naseem said the GST cut exists only on paper—he is still buying daily household items like rice, flour, and cooking oil at old rates, with no price relief whatsoever. Instead, he plans to increase the rates after Diwali, as his landlord is set to raise the shop rent.
Naseem
Reporter- Ab to cutting ke rate kam kar diye honge tumne? Naseem- Diwali se badh jayenge aur! Reporter- Arey! GST kam ho gayi, saamaan sasta ho gaya, phir bhi?. Naseem- Hamari kam nahi hui. Reporter- Aapki kam nahi hui? Kya chal raha hai cutting ka rate? Naseem- Wahi… 70 rupay. Reporter- Wahi jo pehle tha? Aur shaving? Naseem- 60 rupees straight banana ka. Reporter- Cutting 70 rupees jo pehle thi? Naseem- Haan Diwali se rate badh jayega. Reporter-Kyun? Naseem- Diwali ke baad kiraya badh jayega. Reporter- Accha, tumhari dukan ka kiraya badh jayega? Reporter- Ab to rate kam kar diye honge? Naseem- Hamare samaan par kam nahi hua. Reporter- Kuch kam nahi hua? Tum usi rate par le rahe ho? Naseem- Wo kehta kahin kam nahi hua hai… lao dikhao hame.. kahin kam nahi hua hai. Reporter- Wahi rate chal rahe hain? Naseem- Ration ke kam hue hain… ab ration wale ne bhi band kar diye hain.. keh raha hai hamare bhi kam nahi hue, dikhao kaha hai? Reporter- Tum to keh rahe ho kam hue hain ration ke? Naseem- Akhbar mein likha hai magar ye log maantey nahi hain, uspar hua hai.. shampoo par. Reporter- Aap ration le rahe ho purane rate mein? Naseem- Purane rate mein. Reporter- Aata waata sab koi kam nahi hua, GST nahi hati? Naseem- Nahi…hum tel letey hain..ek rupiya bhi kam nahi karta hai. Reporter- Ek baar jo badha deta hai, kam nahi karta hai.
[In this exchange with a barber in Noida, the disconnect between policy announcements and everyday reality becomes strikingly clear. Naseem admits that despite the government’s claims of GST cuts, he continues to pay the same old rates for all his supplies. His service charges too remain unchanged, and he even plans to raise them after Diwali due to increased shop rent. It reinforces how disconnected policy intent can be from market realities.]
We then visited Moviemax, a multiplex in Gulshan One 29 Mall, Noida, to check the rates of popcorn being sold to cinegoers at the theatre where the movie Jolly LLB 3 was being screened. The salesman told us that the prices at Moviemax have not changed after the GST cuts. According to him, rates in none of the multiplexes have been reduced yet; and any potential change depends on a mail from management. If they receive a rate-cut notification, the prices will be lowered.
Movie max salesman
Reporter- Popcorn kya rate hai ? Salesman- 550 aur 650. Reporter- O.K. With butter or without butter? Salesman- Without butter. Reporter- O.K. Kuch kum nahin hue rate GST ke baad? Salesman- Nahin, abhi itna hi hai. Reporter- Moviemax mein rate hi kum nahin hue GST ke baad? Salesman- Nahin, kahin bhi abhi kam nahin hue. XXXX main bhi nahin hue. Reporter- XXXX main bhi kum nahin hue . Salesman- Ho jayengey, mail ayega to uske baad ho sakte hai. Reporter- 22 September ko hi GST kum ho gayi thi. Salesman- Mail to oopar se aata hai. Reporter- Water bottle kitne ki hai aapki? Salesman- Rs 70 ki, sir. Reporter- Uspar bhi kum nahin hue? Salesman- Hoga to sir bilkul ayega.
[At a multiplex counter, the reporter’s inquiry into the impact of GST cuts on food prices reveals another layer of inaction. The salesman admits that rates for popcorn and bottled water remain unchanged despite the tax reduction. He explains that no price revision can happen until official communication—or a “mail from above”—arrives. The exchange typifies how bureaucratic delay becomes an easy excuse for keeping consumers out of the benefit loop.]
As paneer prices have also come down, we visited Evergreen Sweet Shop in Sector 134, Noida, to see whether the rates of paneer samosas had decreased after the GST cut. To our surprise, the salesman at the counter said that the samosa prices had not come down despite the reduction in paneer rates. He explained that the gas cylinders used for frying the samosas are still priced the same, and the labour involved in frying them has not taken any pay cut. Therefore, he charged ₹17 for one samosa, the same rate as before the GST cut. When we spoke to the labourer frying the samosas about the prices, he said that once rates are raised, nobody lowers them—but when costs go up, prices increase immediately depending on the situation.
Evergreen salesman
Reporter-Ye Paneer ka samosa hai na? Salesman- Haan. Reporter- Mil jayega? Salesman- Haan. Reporter- Kitney ka ek? Salesman -17 rupay ka. Reporter- 17 rupay? Sasta nahi hua abhi , GST hatney ke baad, paneer se GST hat gayi na. Hum samajh rahe they ki sasta ho gaya hoga? Salesman- Paneer se hi to hati hai, karigaron se to nahin. Karigar to utney ka hi hai. Gas cylinder utney ka hi hai. Kewal paneer se kya hoga? Reporter- Samosa abhi bhi mehnga hai.. 17 rupay ka ek. Main soch raha tha GST hat gayi hai paneer se, to samosa sasta ho gaya hoga? 2nd Salesman-Rate ghat jaye to kum nahin karte. Bada dengey.
[This exchange highlights how minor tax cuts often fail to reach end consumers. Traders hide behind ‘other expenses’ to maintain prices, showing that policy benefits can vanish in the complex cost structure. It reminds us that real relief depends on practical implementation, not just announcements.]
In Noida’s Sector 134, we met Sudhir Kumar, a mobile shop owner. When asked about the GST rate cuts, Sudhir said they mostly benefit the rich, not the poor. Car prices have come down after the GST cuts, but cars are bought by the wealthy, not the common man. Big branded stores are passing on GST reductions to customers, but ordinary grocery shops are not offering any discounts. “The poor buy daily-need items from local grocery stores, not branded outlets,” said Sudhir Kumar.
Kirpal Maurya, a driver, told us that he has seen no relief in prices after the GST cut on daily-need items from his local grocery stores. He said he continues to pay the same prices as before.
We also visited a medical store near the gate of Shanti Mangalick, a multi-speciality hospital on Fatehabad Road, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. When asked whether medicine rates had come down after the GST cut, the salesman at the counter promptly replied that the prices remain unchanged despite the GST relaxation.
However, not all stores visited by Tehelka were withholding the GST benefits from customers. Moonis, a salesman at Apollo Pharmacy, said they are offering GST cuts on medicines. He admitted that many local medical stores are not passing on the benefits to customers, citing old stock as the reason.
As the brief exchange with a medical store owner unfolds below, it becomes clear that the GST cuts are benefiting only a few, while most of the local shops are unable to pass on the relief. Moonis explains that most stores are still clearing old stock, preventing any reduction in prices. He acknowledges that while his store is giving the benefit, the majority of traders continue to charge customers as before, highlighting the uneven implementation of the policy.
Moonis
Reporter- Aap to GST ka fayda de bhi rahe ho; bahut se nahi de rahe. Moonis- Roz system update hota hai, bahut se log to de nahi rahe hain, abhi purana stock pada hua hai. Reporter- Bahut saare medical store nahi de rahe. Moonis- Nahi, local wale to de nahi pa rahe, kehte hain purana stock hai. Reporter- To aap kaise de rahe ho? Moonis- Haha..
[This interaction shows that GST benefits are reaching only select consumers. Old stock and system delays keep most shops from reducing prices, leaving ordinary buyers short-changed. It underscores that policy intentions need active enforcement to truly make a difference.]
Modern Bazaar, a large retail chain outlet in Gulshan One 29 Mall, Noida, we were told by their sales staff that GST cuts are fully applicable at their stores on all grocery items. However, their salesman, Satya, admitted that local grocery stores are not passing on GST benefits to common people, and he considers himself one of the affected customers.
Satya
Reporter- Groceries par rate kam hue kya?
Salesgirl- Haan sir hue to hain. Reporter- Kis-kis par hue hain? Salesgirl- Ye nahi pata , daal par… sari groceries par, infact kitna kam hua hai ye to aapko sir bata saktey hain. Reporter- Daal chawal.. sab par kam hua hai? Salesgirl- Ji. Reporter- Haan groceries par rate kam hue hain GST ke baad? Satya- Aap rate dekh lijiye bill par aapko rate de deta hoon. Reporter- Jaise aata hai, daal hai, chawal? Satya- Sab par hua hai…ye dekh rahe ho aap…GST rate hai…aaiye abhi to offer chal raha hai. Reporter- Wo purane rate par hi bech rahe hain. Reporter- Aapne to kam kar diye hain par jo normal grocery stores hain wo nahi kar rahe, Modern Bazaar ne to kam kar diye. Satya- Haan, mein bhi gaya tha, mujhe bhi wahi rate diye hain…abhi purana stock nikal raha hai, maine bola bill bhi to dikhna chahiye.
[This interaction shows that even where GST benefits are officially applied, consumers may not immediately see reduced prices. Old stock and billing practices slow the impact, reminding us that policy effectiveness depends on consistent implementation and transparency. The exchange highlights how organised stores may implement cuts selectively, leaving customers deprived of the promised benefits.]
In Tehelka’s reality check, all branded stores dealing with groceries and medicines were found passing on GST benefits to their customers. But small medical and grocery stores are not offering these benefits to their poor customers, claiming they are clearing old stock purchased under previous tax rates.
In many shops visited by us in Delhi-NCR, there are no notice boards, and traders are openly flouting the rules, failing to reflect promised price reductions for most items. Consumers allege that traders are fooling and fleecing them by selling products at old rates due to this lack of monitoring. The non-implementation of the new rates appears particularly severe in the case of medicines and essential commodities.
Shopkeepers and medical stores continue to charge old rates without fear of action from the authorities. We, at Tehelka, are of the opinion that the government should immediately launch special drives, inspect markets, penalise violators, and start a public helpline to ensure the benefits of GST rate changes reach the common people. Even a small delay in enforcement causes a massive financial loss to consumers. Prompt action and creating public awareness about the issue are critical. The government has announced strict measures against shopkeepers and businesses that fail to pass on GST benefits to customers, but enforcement on the ground must match intent.
For the ruling NDA, this infighting has been a political gift. With the ruling alliance projecting cohesion and discipline, the Mahagathbandhan’s disunity risks alienating voters who see it as a credible alternative
File Photo
Perceived as a formidable challenge to the ruling NDA, opposition Mahagathbandhan in Bihar is currently grappling with internal chaos just days before the crucial withdrawal deadline for Assembly election nominations. What was meant to be a show of unity has spiralled into confusion, ego clashes, and competing ambitions among alliance partners.
Congress general secretary K.C. Venugopal’s call to RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav on Tuesday underscored the seriousness of the crisis. Senior Congress leaders Ashok Gehlot and Bihar in-charge Krishna Allavaru are in Patna to contain the fallout, even as leaders assured that a joint press conference on Wednesday would reaffirm unity. Yet, with Thursday marking the last day for withdrawal of nominations, the alliance continues to face “friendly fights” in at least a dozen constituencies—some of which have already closed nominations.
Seat-sharing remains the central flashpoint.
Asserting seniority, the RJD has declared 143 candidates while the Congress has fielded 61, leaving several overlapping claims unresolved. Smaller allies, including the Vikassheel Insaan Party and the Left, too have voiced dissatisfaction. Meanwhile the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha has already exited the coalition after its seat demands were ignored. In several constituencies both Congress and CPI candidates are in the fray—splitting the anti-NDA vote and weakening the alliance’s chances.
The trouble runs deeper than mere numbers. The RJD has insisted on projecting Tejashwi Yadav as the Mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial face—a position the Congress has hesitated to endorse. Sources say Rahul Gandhi’s silence on the issue during joint “Voter Adhikar Rally” last month surprised Tejashwi, who has built his campaign around the legacy of the caste survey initiated under Nitish Kumar’s government.
Apparently, the Congress leadership is divided on the issue. Some argue that not declaring Tejashwi as CM face would consolidate non-Yadav votes, others find the stance politically untenable. Behind the scenes, personality clashes and Delhi’s micromanagement have worsened matters. Congress chief Rajesh Ram and in-charge Krishna Allavaru have been accused by local leaders of “corporate-style functioning” and over-reliance on consultants, alienating grassroots workers. Some Congress insiders believe that appointing a more seasoned negotiator—perhaps someone like Bhupesh Baghel—could have prevented the standoff.
Adding to the perception crisis are allegations from within the RJD that tickets were being “sold for money,” eroding public confidence. For the NDA, this infighting has been a political gift. With the ruling alliance projecting cohesion and discipline, the Mahagathbandhan’s disunity risks alienating voters who see it as a credible alternative. The ongoing public infighting and disarray present a stark contrast to the more organized and united front projected by the rival NDA, political analysts to suggest the Mahagathbandhan is losing the “war of perception”.
After the political slugfest over diyas and Ayodhya celebrations, a new flashpoint emerged on Tuesday — this time over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Diwali celebrations aboard INS Vikrant, drawing sharp exchanges between the BJP and the Congress.
The row saw Congress leader Surendra Rajput criticising the Prime Minister’s visit as a “photo op” on a warship that, he noted, was commissioned during the Congress era. “We have no issues with the PM spending Diwali on a Naval warship, the point is taking credit for something he is not responsible for, he should acknowledge that it was built during Congress’ regime. We did not raise any questions on the PM’s visit. But if the PM does politics on such issues, he should be ready for retaliation,” he said. The BJP hit back, alleging that the Gandhi family had “treated naval warships as personal vacation spots” — a reference to a controversy surrounding former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s 1987 visit to INS Viraat which Naval officers clarified as an official visit.
Continuing his tradition of spending Diwali with India’s armed forces, PM Modi this year celebrated the festival aboard INS Vikrant — the country’s first indigenously built aircraft carrier — off the coast of Goa and Karwar. He interacted with naval officers and sailors, calling it a “special Diwali on the seas” and lauded the Indian Navy’s growing might and its contribution to maritime security. “India’s borders are secure because of our brave soldiers. The Navy is writing a new chapter in self-reliance and strength,” the Prime Minister said, reiterating his government’s commitment to defence modernisation and the ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ initiative.
PM Modi during the 2019 campaign had accused Rajiv Gandhi of “using INS Viraat as a personal taxi” for a family holiday in the Lakshadweep Islands during the 1980s. At the time, the BJP alleged that members of the Gandhi family and their guests were hosted on the vessel, diverting it from its operational duties. The Congress has consistently rejected these allegations, citing statements from naval officers who clarified that Rajiv Gandhi’s visit was official and conducted as per protocol. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi had also ridiculed the BJP’s claims, remarking, “Why would anyone vacation on an aircraft carrier? It’s not a cruise ship.”
Analysts say that equating the two is oversimplifying vastly different contexts but that’s how the politics is at the moment. PM Modi’s visit was part of a decade-long tradition of spending Diwali with the armed forces, intended to honour service personnel and project a message of national pride and self-reliance. His interaction with officers and sailors aboard India’s first indigenously built aircraft carrier also dovetailed neatly with his government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat and defence modernisation narratives.
Rajiv Gandhi’s case, however, stemmed from an entirely different situation and era. His visit to INS Viraat took place during a trip to Lakshadweep that included family members and guests. Critics, particularly the BJP, have long claimed the warship was used as a “personal taxi” for a vacation — an allegation Congress and several naval officers rejected. They assert that the visit was official, protocol was followed, and no operational duties were compromised.
In the complex political landscape of India, electoral battles often resemble family dynasties passing the torch from one generation to the next. Bihar is no different. The political landscape of the poll-bound state remains deeply entangled with dynastic politics, where electoral battles often mirror family legacies. Much like the rest of India, political power in the state frequently passes from one generation to the next — and the ongoing assembly elections are no exception.
The 243-member assembly elections have many candidates who are sons, daughters, spouses, close relatives of established politicians. This legacy-driven approach cuts across party lines.
Leading the dynastic charge are Tejashwi Yadav and Tej Pratap Yadav — sons of former chief ministers Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi. Tejashwi, the RJD and possibly the Mahagathbandhan’s face for chief minister, is continuing his family’s dominance in Bihar politics.
Across the spectrum
But dynasty politics isn’t limited to the RJD. The BJP and JD(U) have also fielded candidates with political pedigree. Nitish Mishra, son of former CM Jagannath Mishra, is in the fray and so is JD(U)’s Chetan Anand, son of MP Lovely Anand. Smaller and regional parties, too, are following the trend. Deepa Manjhi, daughter-in-law of former CM Jitan Ram Manjhi and Lata Singh, daughter of former Union Minister RCP Singh, too are contesting.
Prominent dynasts include:
· Tejashwi Yadav (RJD), son of Lalu Prasad Yadav
· Samrat Choudhary (BJP), son of Shakuni Choudhary
· Osama Shahab (RJD), son of late Mohammad Shahabuddin
· Snehlata (Rashtriya Lok Morcha), wife of Upendra Kushwaha
· Nitish Mishra (BJP), son of Jagannath Mishra
· Deepa Manjhi (HAM), daughter-in-law of Jitan Ram Manjhi
· Jagriti Thakur (Jan Suraaj), granddaughter of Karpoori Thakur
· Komal Singh (JD(U)), daughter of LJP MP Veena Devi
· Chetan Anand (JD(U)), son of Lovely Anand
Clearly, dynasty is a norm, not an exception.
The moral question
While the BJP often berates the Congress and Rahul Gandhi for promoting dynastic politics, their own ranks in Bihar include leaders like Chirag Paswan, son of the late Ram Vilas Paswan — highlighting the selective nature of such criticism. Experts agree: no political party in Bihar can claim moral superiority on the issue. Across the board, family names are being prioritized over merit, ideology, or commitment to public service.
This growing reliance on dynastic candidates reflects a broader concern — the steady sidelining of grassroots workers and the increasing influence of glamour and inherited power in Indian politics. For many ordinary party members, contesting elections has become a distant dream.
Compounding this is the uneven playing field created by the unregulated use of money in elections. With campaigns often dominated by well-funded candidates from political families, the space for independent or first-generation leaders is shrinking. Some observers also point to a long-standing failure to invest in education and social mobility, thus leaving little or no room for new leadership to emerge.
“Peace” in the Middle East remains a fragile experiment, one that could unravel with a single rocket or political misstep, say experts
US President Donald Trump has delivered a blunt warning to Hamas, declaring that the militant group will face “eradication” if it breaches the Gaza ceasefire. His remarks came a day after Israel accused Hamas of violating the fragile truce.
Speaking on the recent developments in the Middle East at the Oval Office, Trump was quoted as saying: “We have peace in the Middle East for the first time ever. We made a deal with Hamas that, they gonna be very good. They’re going to behave, they’re going to be nice, and if they’re not… we’re going to eradicate them if we have to. They’ll be eradicated — and they know that”, accusing Hamas of past violence Trump clarified that the US would not deploy its own forces, emphasizing “no involvement of US troops.”
His comments came after meeting Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, where the two leaders signed a multi-billion-dollar pact on defence and critical minerals.
Earlier, Israel announced “renewed enforcement” of the ceasefire after air strikes in Gaza, which it said were in response to Hamas attacks on its forces. Israeli media reported that Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff and son-in-law Jared Kushner met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem soon after, according to Israeli media.
The Israel Defense Forces claimed the latest strikes targeted Hamas positions in Rafah, following anti-tank missile and gunfire attacks on Israeli troops. The Gaza Media Office said 97 people have been killed and 230 injured since the ceasefire began on October 10, as per reports.
What next?
The coming weeks will test if the ceasefire can survive. Washington’s hard-line warning appears to signal zero tolerance for renewed hostilities but analysts caution that Hamas’s fractured command structure and Gaza’s humanitarian collapse may make restraint difficult.
Diplomatic channels are trying to monitor compliance. Egypt and Qatar — traditional mediators — are expected to press Hamas to avoid provocations, while Israel faces growing calls from the UN to ease restrictions on aid. Meanwhile, Trump’s claim that Iran’s influence has waned remains to be tested, intelligence agencies believe Tehran’s shadow networks still fund and arm splinter factions in Gaza.
Politics refused to take a break as parties indulged in heated exchange over diyas and celebrations in Ayodhya
Photo: courtesy social media
Samajwadi Party (SP) chief and former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav sparked controversy after questioning the government’s repeated spending on diyas and candles during Diwali. In what appeared to be a veiled criticism of the Uttar Pradesh government’s grand Deepotsav celebrations, Yadav compared them to Christmas festivities abroad.
In comments seen as a dig at the Yogi Adityanath led-BJP government, Yadav was quoted as saying, “I don’t want to offer suggestions, but in the name of Lord Ram, I will say that during Christmas, cities around the world remain lit for months. We should learn from that.” He added, “Why is there repeated spending on diyas and candles? What can we expect from such a government? They should be removed. We will make sure the lights are even more beautiful.”
According to observers, Akhilesh’s comments were not random—they were a calculated political move to challenge BJP’s religious branding, targeting the saffron party on governance and development ahead of high-stakes Bihar elections. “ Yadav’s party traditionally relies on a Muslim-Yadav vote bank. With the BJP aggressively pushing a Hindu nationalist narrative, Akhilesh’s criticism of extravagant Diwali celebrations and questioning the use of public funds can be seen as a signal to Muslim voters, many of whom may be feeling alienated or sidelined by state-sponsored Hindu religious events like the Deepotsav,” they added.
The remarks triggered sharp criticism from BJP leaders, who accused Yadav of disrespecting Hindu traditions and undermining a centuries-old cultural practice. In Ayodhya to inaugurate the ninth edition of Deepotsav, Adityanath used the platform to target the opposition. “This is the same Ayodhya where bullets were once fired at Ram bhakts. Today, we are lighting lamps at those very spots,” he said. He also accused opposition parties of rejecting invitations to attend the consecration of the Ram Mandir scheduled for January 2024.
Adityanath alleged the Congress once called Lord Ram a myth and that the Samajwadi Party opened fire on devotees during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. “The same people who bow at Babar’s grave refuse to attend the Pran Pratishtha of Lord Ram,” he said.
The BJP said the event is not just about religion, but a display of India’s cultural pride. BJP spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi said lighting diyas with ghee reflects the prosperity of ancient India. Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya accused Yadav of hurting the livelihood of the Prajapati community, who traditionally make Diwali lamps, and demanded an apology.
Congress leader Rashid Alvi criticized the use of public funds for religious events, arguing that India remains a secular country. “No government can use public money for religious purposes. The Constitution doesn’t allow it,” he was quoted as saying.
According to the state government over 26 lakh diyas were lit across ghats in Ayodhya, creating a visual spectacle aimed at setting a world record. The celebrations included traditional rituals, cultural performances, and a fireworks display, reinforcing the state’s focus on religious tourism and heritage branding.
