Photo courtesy Rohini Acharya social media account
A day after a crushing defeat in the Bihar Assembly elections, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) reaffirmed its commitment to “public service” and called itself a “party of the poor.”
The party posted on X in Hindi: “Public service is an unceasing process, an endless journey! Ups and downs are inevitable in it. No sorrow in defeat, no arrogance in victory! The RJD is the party of the poor; it will continue to raise their voice among the poor!”
On Friday, the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan received a crushing defeat at the hands of the BJP-led NDA, which bagged 202 seats, leaving the opposition alliance with just 35, of which RJD got 25 seats.
But brave declarations apart, Bihar’s main opposition party seems to be unravelling, falling apart.
On Saturday, Rohini Acharya, daughter of party supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav, declared that she is quitting politics and cutting ties with both her family and the party—a move reflective of the deep turmoil within the RJD and the Yadav family, underscoring growing internal dissent. In a cryptic post, Rohini declared: “This is what Sanjay Yadav and Rameez had asked me to do…and I am taking all the blame.”
Sanjay Yadav is an RJD Rajya Sabha MP and is said to be among Tejashwi Yadav’s most trusted aides. Rameez, meanwhile, is reportedly Tejashwi’s old friend from a political family in Uttar Pradesh.
As she took upon herself all the blame for the crisis she hinted at, Rohini did not specify whether it was related to the election results or internal party dynamics. But the declaration underlined the extent of discord inside the influential Yadav household. Lalu’s elder son, Tej Pratap Yadav, has already been expelled from the party and formed his own political outfit, the Janshakti Janata Dal. Many believe Rohini was angry about Tej Pratap’s humiliation. Though she campaigned for Tejashwi, the post indicates unresolved tensions and frustration with the party’s leadership and family which have been visible for months through emotional and often critical social media posts. She even unfollowed significant political figures and family members.
The election results, where the RJD managed to secure only 25 seats, are a far cry from expectations. They have not only reignited power struggles within the party but are also threatening the future of the RJD. Party leaders attempted to downplay the fallout, calling it a private matter, but the challenge of restoring cohesion amid visible cracks within the RJD post-2025 Bihar elections is very real.
The 2025 Bihar Assembly elections delivered a decisive mandate, reshaping the state’s politics and firmly positioning the BJP-led NDA as the dominant force. Sailing past the 200-seat mark in the 243-member House, the NDA decimated the Mahagathbandhan. Whether Nitish Kumar returns as chief minister for a fifth consecutive term remains open, but the verdict reaffirmed his enduring political relevance and strengthened the “double-engine government” narrative promoted by the BJP.
Even critics acknowledged the sheer scale of the NDA’s victory—greater than the most ambitious projections. Home Minister Amit Shah had predicted 160-plus seats, but the final count exceeded even internal expectations. The NDA’s gains cut across caste lines, consolidating support among EBCs, upper castes, and portions of Dalits, while a split in Muslim votes—particularly due to AIMIM—limited the opposition’s ability to mobilise minority-heavy regions.
The real game-changer, however, was women voters. With a historic 71.6% turnout—nearly nine percentage points higher than men—women effectively became Bihar’s “kingmakers.” Two decades of welfare-focused governance under Nitish Kumar, combined with targeted schemes such as the Rs 10,000 enterprise assistance, cash transfers, subsidised electricity, and entrepreneurship incentives, translated into a strong pro-incumbency wave. For most women, the NDA offered tangible benefits already delivered versus promises for the future. This unprecedented participation disrupted Bihar’s traditional caste arithmetic. The NDA’s cohesive campaign—merging Narendra Modi’s national appeal, Nitish’s governance record, and Chirag Paswan’s influence—presented stability and welfare as central themes.
The opposition entered the contest fragmented, disorganised, and plagued by a leadership crisis. Tejashwi Yadav campaigned energetically but remained hamstrung by over-reliance on Yadav candidates, reinforcing caste-exclusivity perceptions. The public feud between brothers Tejashwi and Tej Pratap further damaged credibility. Winning barely a handful of seats, Congress appeared organisationally hollow. Rahul Gandhi’s limited campaigning, delayed seat-sharing decisions, and incoherent coordination diluted the impact of early outreach efforts like the Voter Adhikar Yatra. Complaints about voter roll discrepancies failed to gain traction.
Attempts by Tejashwi to distance himself from his father’s “jungle raj” legacy were undercut by sustained BJP attacks linking him to “sins of the father,” particularly on law and order. In contrast, the NDA’s narrative of stability, Modi’s popularity, and Nitish’s governance proved more credible to voters. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj Party, contesting 238 seats, failed to win any, though it ate into the opposition’s vote share.
The Bihar Assembly elections of 2025 concluded with a record voter turnout of approximately 67%, signalling a dramatic shift in one of India’s most politically significant states.
Ahead of the results on November 14, a series of exit polls from top agencies are projecting a resounding win for the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led chiefly by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The majority of these exit polls predict that the NDA will comfortably cross the majority threshold of 122 seats in the 243-seat assembly, ranging between 130 and 167. Meanwhile, the opposition Mahagathbandhan alliance, led by Tejashwi Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress, is forecast to lose ground, with its combined tally dropping to the 70–102 range, far short of the 110 seats it secured in the last elections. As for Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party, which made its debut in the Bihar Assembly elections, it is predicted to have little to no electoral impact.
Error margin
Exit polls come with a certain degree of error, meaning that the exact seat count may fluctuate. Whether a rain of freebies. especially for women, or the election strategy of the ruling side, the opposition faced a lopsided challenge in these elections. So if the NDA wins, it will not come as a surprise to its supporters but discrepancies are known to exist in exit polls due to diverse factors, including sampling limitations like voter turnout variations and the reluctance of respondents to disclose true voting preferences.
Talking specifically of Bihar, there have been exit polls that missed the mark, highlighting the inherent challenges in polling such a complex electorate. For example, in the 2015 Bihar elections, exit polls appeared to underestimate the magnitude of the Mahagathbandhan coalition’s victory. Conversely, in 2020, the polls predicted a win for the Mahagathbandhan with around 125 seats, whereas the actual results favoured the NDA.
The point is, exit polls serve as useful indicators, but the tendency to oversimplify complex electoral sentiments may lead to surprising outcomes.
Exit polls in India have gone seriously wrong on several notable occasions, most recently in the 2024 general election, where the majority of polls predicted a major landslide for the ruling BJP-led NDA alliance, estimating over 350–400 seats, but the actual outcome was lower at around 295 seats for the NDA and 240 for the BJP.
In the Delhi Assembly 2015 and Chhattisgarh Assembly 2023 elections also exit polls failed to capture the essence. Experts attribute the error to factors like faulty sampling, lack of updated census data, voter preference falsification, and possible media or surveyor bias etc. The bottom line is exit polls in India have a mixed track record and their results should be viewed with skepticism, especially in the context of tightly contested or complex elections. Meanwhile, all eyes are on November 14.
The tendering process for the procurement of DI pipes by the Haryana Public Health Engineering Department, under a two-year rate contract, poses a significant risk of financial loss to the state. This approach could ultimately be detrimental to the public exchequer and contrary to the best interests of the State of Haryana.
While a price variation clause is included in the contract, it does not provide adequate protection against fluctuations in market dynamics. A clear example of this risk materializing can be seen in the Rate Contract no. 99/HR/RC/E-2/2023-24/4256-59 dated 17.07.2024 w2hich was valid up to 17.07.2025. In this instance, DI pipes worth nearly 800 crores were procured at inflated prices in February 2025 on the above Rate Contract. The rate, according to the Rate Contract under the PVC formula in case of 100mm (K-7) dropped from Rs. 1260 to Rs. 1157 per meter, while the rate in the new tender opened next month on 28.03.2025 dropped to 1085 per Mtr. So it is clear that the rates had fallen drastically and in some sizes by nearly 15% and they have purchased pipes at a much higher price as the previous Rate Contract was still relevant (up to 24.07.2025).
Engineer-in-Chief, Davinder Dahiya from the Department of Public Health Engineering, Haryana, refused to comment or respond to share the official version. However, details procured show that even the price variation clause could not save the financial loss of Rs. 100 crores. For some reason, this tender was scrapped, and a fresh tender for 2-year Rate Contract for the purchase of DI Pipes worth 2800 Crore was opened on 29.08.2025. This was just after the expiry of the previous Rate Contract. The prices in the just-expired Rate Contract were higher by 30% for example, in the previous Rate Contract, 100mm (K-7) prices were Rs. 1157 Per Mtr. after the application of the PVC formula. The new rates at the same time were Rs. 910 Per Mtr. (Difference of 28%). Had the previous Rate Contract been valid for two Years as is being proposed now, the Government would have continued placing orders for another year at nearly 30% higher rates, despite the PVC formula, thus causing a loss of nearly Rs. 1000 crores.
The prices of pipes are falling due to low demand (resulting from the absence of the JJM project) and the increasing capacities of both new & old manufacturers. Where is the wisdom of fixing the purchase price for two years? The Haryana Government has clearly turned a blind eye to the state’s precious funds and is moving towards a loss of nearly Rs. 400 crores every year.
Given these concerns, it is clear that a longer two-year rate contract is not in the best interest of the state, as it results in financial losses. Moreover, such a contract structure limits Haryana’s ability to capitalize on emerging manufacturing capacities and competitive market rates, thereby fostering a monopolistic environment favouring a select group of manufacturers. Also, it is common knowledge that when a manufacturer has to commit to supplies over a long period, like two years, he would cushion the prices keeping in view future uncertainties
The Public Health Department has an inventory of nearly Rs. 700 crores of D.I. Pipes in their stores and has a liability of a few hundred crores to the contractors and suppliers. Experts suggest that the Department should re-evaluate its approach to long-term rate contracts and go for specific quantity tenders to get more competitive prices and safeguard the financial interest of the state.
Advocate & Legal Consultant Gaurav Deep Goel has, in the public interest, written to Nayab Singh Saini, Chief Minister, Haryana, Rajesh Khullar, Chief Principal Secretary, Vipul Goel, Minister & member High Powered Purchase Committe,e and others in this connection.
Dr Umar Mohammad, alleged mastermind behind blast, was reportedly in car that exploded
File Photo
A day after a devastating blast struck near Delhi’s Red Fort Metro station, leaving the nation in shock, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Tuesday reaffirmed his commitment to justice, security, and support for the victims’ families, strongly asserting that the conspirators will not be spared .
Currently on an official visit to Bhutan, the Prime Minister said he had been in continuous contact with all agencies throughout the night, closely monitoring the situation as the investigation unfolded.
“The horrific incident that took place in Delhi yesterday evening has deeply saddened everyone. I understand the grief of the affected families. The entire nation stands with them today,” he said, making it clear that the authorities would leave no stone unturned.
“Our agencies will get to the bottom of this conspiracy. The conspirators behind this will not be spared. All those responsible will be brought to justice,” he added.
The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), the country’s top national security body, will convene in Delhi tomorrow with PM Modi chairing the meeting. The CCS will review the status of the investigation, assess leads, and determine necessary actions moving forward.
The meeting comes amid heightened security and speculation over possible terror motives, as authorities have yet to confirm the nature of the blast but are treating all possibilities seriously. Home Minister Amit Shah has been holding meetings with top officials to assess the situation following the car blast near the Red Fort on Monday evening. Meanwhile, the Delhi Police have registered an FIR under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the Explosives Act in connection with the explosion that claimed 10 lives, officials said.
Umar Mohammad, the alleged mastermind behind the blast, was reportedly in the white Hyundai i20 that exploded. Born in Pulwama, Jammu and Kashmir, he was a doctor by profession, working at Al-Falah Medical College in Faridabad.
Diwali is over, but what is not over is Delhi-NCR’s air pollution. The city continued to choke under a “very poor” air quality index (AQI) for the third straight day after Diwali, thanks to the illegal sale of firecrackers and alleged violations of the Supreme Court’s guidelines on their use. This, even as the Delhi Police registered over 150 cases for bursting crackers beyond permitted hours and for illegal sales. At the time of writing, the police had registered more than 100 cases across Delhi over alleged violations of the Supreme Court’s directions on bursting firecrackers, and over 50 on charges of illegal sale of crackers during Diwali celebrations.
Despite all this, Delhi-NCR woke up to a post-Diwali haze so thick that buildings disappeared into the distance. The air, heavy with smoke, pushed air pollution levels deep into the “very poor” category, leaving residents coughing and their eyes burning.
On October 15, five days before Diwali, the Supreme Court permitted the sale of only green firecrackers in Delhi-NCR between October 18 and 20. Bursting was allowed in two slots — 6–7 a.m. and 8–10 p.m.— on Diwali eve and Diwali day. According to the Court, firecrackers must be approved by the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) and carry QR codes. Police and the pollution control boards were directed to form patrol teams for real-time checks. The Court also reiterated its ban on conventional firecrackers, which are often smuggled into Delhi-NCR. Crackers containing barium and series crackers, commonly called laris, remain banned. Online sale of firecrackers through platforms such as Amazon and Flipkart also continues to be prohibited.
But a Tehelka investigation exposed how the Apex Court’s directives on fire crackers were observed more in the breach than in the observance. We found that traders were openly flouting all Supreme Court guidelines by selling conventional firecrackers, commonly known as laris, banned by the Court, while ignoring the directive for green crackers. All traders, our reporter contacted in Noida, Uttar Pradesh, confessed to deceiving authorities by displaying low-intensity green firecrackers with fake NEERI logos or QR codes. In reality, these were not green. Vendors claimed legality by merely slapping “eco-friendly” or “green” labels on the boxes. Also, they kept fake green firecrackers on display at their stalls while hiding the high-intensity, banned firecrackers they were actually selling to customers.
“The firecrackers at my godown are all conventional, not green. The companies are also being crafty, passing them off as eco-friendly by using fake green labels and QR codes on the boxes. I’ve been selling banned crackers throughout the year, and you don’t have to worry about the police post next to my godown. No cop will say anything to you,” said Suraj, a wholesale supplier of banned firecrackers from Noida.
“We are paying less money to the police but more to some Noida Authority officials for selling banned firecrackers. The green firecrackers kept on display at my stall carry fake logos of green firecrackers—we keep them to deceive authorities. What we actually sell are banned crackers hidden under the table. We also provide home delivery,” said Sparsh Tiwari, another firecracker vendor in Noida.
“We have a godown in the next building from where we are selling banned crackers. Some are also kept at our stall. We pay money to the local police, but sometimes higher officials, to whom we are not paying, come for checking—or someone might complain that we are selling banned crackers. Then we may face problems. We also offer home delivery and sell firecrackers across Delhi-NCR,” said Roshan Gupta, another vendor from Noida.
“Since I have been running a tea stall in Noida for the last nine years with my parents, I am in touch with the local administration. I pay them money throughout the year. And now too, I am selling banned firecrackers after paying them. You can get banned firecrackers from me anytime, delivered right to your doorstep,” said Sunil Tiwari, another firecracker vendor in Noida.
The Tehelka investigation began with Suraj, a firecracker wholesaler from Noida, whose godown is located right in front of a police post. The recorded exchange below lays bare a casual market for banned crackers.
Suraj sells banned crackers round the year. Kuldeep, a salesman at Suraj’s godown, told us that they stock banned laris of 1,000, 2,000 and 5,000 bombs, each with different prices. Kuldeep also showed us packets of bombs branded “Nazi” and “Fauji.” Suraj said he supplies crackers for weddings and other functions as well. He claimed to have conventional rockets, sutli bombs, and balti bombs at his godown, along with a home delivery service. Suraj even asked us to circulate his phone number among parties interested in buying firecrackers. When asked whether these were green crackers allowed by the Supreme Court, Kuldeep replied, “No.”
Reporter- Saari dikha do (referring to laris), kaun kaun si hai?
Kuldeep- 1000 ki, 2000 ki, 5000 ki…
Reporter- 1000 wala kitne ka milega?
Kuldeep- 950 ka mil jayega.
Reporter- 1000 wali 950 ki….. aur anaar?
Kuldeep- XXL ka milega.
Reporter- Double XL ka matlab ooncha jayega?
Kuldeep- Rs 1500 ka.
Reporter- Kitne piece honge?
Kuldeep- 10.
Reporter- Aur bomb?
Kuldeep- Nazi, Fauzi..
Reporter- Aur Nazi aur Marshal?
Kuldeep- Haan.
Reporter- Kya rate hai Nazi bomb ka… dikha de?
Kuldeep- Ye lo, 350 ka.
Reporter- Kitne piece hain?
Kuldeep- 10..
Reporter- Ismein green to koi bhi nahi hai bhai? Green pataka koi nahi hai ismein, normal hi hain na?
Suraj- Haan!. Ye aapke 750 ke ho gaye.
Reporter- Ye Diwali ke baad bhi rahenge?
Suraj- 12 mahine.
Reporter- Party mein, shaadi mein milenge? Aatishbazi karwani ho to?
Suraj- Sab ho jayega.
Reporter- Bomb ladi chahiye.
Suraj- Sab mil jayega.
Reporter- 12 mahine milenge?
Suraj- Haan… mera number save kar lena.
Reporter- Suraj tumhara hi naam hai? Tumhari hi dukan hai?
Suraj- Kabhi bhi kar lena.
Reporter- Home delivery bhi karte ho?
Suraj- Porter se karwa deta hoon…
Reporter- Home delivery ho jayegi patakho ki?
Reporter- Tumhari yehi dukan hai ya koi doosri bhi?
Suraj- 130 (sector) mein hai.. porter se chala jata hai kahni bhi.
Reporter- Accha tumhe phone par batana hai bas, paisa advance dena hoga.. ladi, bomb sab mil jayega?
Suraj- Haan.
Reporter- Rocket hai?
Suraj- Khatam ho gaye hain.
Reporter- Kab tak aa jayenge?
Suraj- Kal tak.
Reporter- Pehle wo aate they balti bomb, sutli bomb.. wo hain?
Suraj- Haan, hain.
[The exchange reveals how banned firecrackers are sold openly, with the promise of home delivery and requirement of advance payments, with sellers brazenly admitting evading checks. This shows how law on paper collapses without firm enforcement.]
Now, Suraj admitted to Tehelka’s reporter that the firecrackers he sells from his godown are not green crackers but conventional ones, which have been banned by the Supreme Court. He added that firecracker companies have been crafty—pasting fake “eco-friendly” and “green” logos on the boxes, along with counterfeit QR codes, to deceive authorities into believing they are selling green crackers. In reality, these are the conventional firecrackers prohibited by the country’s top court.
Reporter- Pata nahi (crackers) chalaney denge ya nahi is baar?
Suraj- Bol diya hai is baar chalaney ke liye, bol diya hai.
Reporter- Supreme Court ne green patakho ke liye bola hai na?
Suraj- Bhaiyya sab, green hi mohar lag kar aati hai par green hotey nahi. Lag ke sab par green hi aati hai.
Reporter- Accha hote nahi hain?
Suraj- Nahi…par sab par mohar to green hi lagkar aati hai!
Reporter- Aproved hai, tumhare QR code hai, ye QR code asli nahi hai?
Suraj- Sab hai, laga kar detey hain wo.
Reporter- Hotey nahi hain lekin?
Suraj- Company bhi to apna dimaag daurayegi.
[In the above exchange, the seller candidly admits that the so-called “green” crackers are anything but that. He explains how companies print fake green labels and QR codes on banned products to make them appear legal. The entire trade, he implies, runs on deception—with manufacturers and vendors working hand in hand to fool authorities and buyers alike.]
In the following brief exchange, Suraj brushes aside concerns about police presence near his shop. He assured us that the police post near his firecracker godown would not pose any problem while we carried banned firecrackers from his premises.
Reporter- Arey idhar police chauki hai dikkat to nahi hogi?
Suraj- Nahi.
Reporter- Kahin pakad le rastey mein kahan se la rahe ho?
Suraj- Arey nahi!
[The ease and confidence with which the seller dismisses the risk involved in buying banned crackers highlight the sense of impunity traders enjoy while violating the ban. The casual assurance of safety reveals silent complicity at the local level.]
After Suraj, the Tehelka reporter, met Roshan Gupta—another firecracker vendor from Noida—Roshan revealed that he too could supply conventional firecrackers banned by the Supreme Court, but not the government-approved green crackers. He claimed to have stock of all types of laris, including those with 1,000 and 2,000 bombs even as he spelt out their prices.
Roshan openly admitted that although the top court has prohibited conventional firecrackers, he continues to sell them by bribing the local police chowki in-charge. However, he avoids displaying the banned items at his shop. Instead, he stores them in a nearby godown, he explained. According to him, even though he pays off the local police post head, he remains cautious. If a senior officer—one not on his payroll—conducts a surprise inspection or if someone files a complaint, he could land in serious trouble. To avoid detection, Roshan said he calls customers to his godown for delivery. The firecrackers displayed at his shop are merely samples.
Reporter- Green patakhe nahi chahiye humko.
Roshan- Kaun de raha hai? Jaisa aapko chahiye waisa milega, befikar rahiye.
Reporter- Hame normal jo pehle miltey they, wo chahiye. Green wale nahi chahiye.
Roshan- Wahi dunga, bhaiya. 1000 wali ladi aapko padegui 600 ki, 2000 wali padegi 1100 ki, ek padegi 1500 ki.
Reporter- Jab tum police ko hafta de rahe ho to kya darr hai patakhe rakhne ka?
Roshan- Darr isliye hai ki choti Diwali, badi Diwali fully hum log yahi se bech letey hai. Inko to hum de rahe hain, magar kabhi inse upper bhi koi aa gaya to?
Reporter- Accha, chauki incharge ko to aap de rahe ho? Kabhi koi inse upper wala aa gaya, isliye?
Roshan- Haan….kabhi aa gaye round maarne, pata chala kisi ne complaint hi kar diya.. isliye problem ho sakti hai. Isliye yahan ek hi sample rakhtey hain, aur baki just is building ke peeche.
[We learn that sellers openly deal in banned crackers by bribing local officials, and they only worry about inspections by higher ups or potential complaints. When rules are enforced unevenly, illegal trade grows. Without steady and honest checks, laws remain just words on paper.]
Roshan further admitted that the green logos printed on the firecracker boxes—meant to indicate compliance with environmental norms—are entirely fake. He claimed to be supplying these banned crackers across the entire Delhi-NCR region. Roshan also pointed out that his name and contact details are easily searchable on Google and Just Dial. He assured us that he could deliver the firecrackers directly to our home using a porter service. To avoid detection, he emphasized that the packaging would be clever enough to prevent the police from stopping or inspecting the delivery.
Reporter- Ab to maine suna hai patakho ke dibbey ke oopar scanner aa raha hai bana hua?
Roshan- Haan.
Reporter- Wo asli hai nakli hai?
Roshan- Aise hi hai, nakli hai. Aapko rate list bhej diya, dekh lena.
Reporter- Theek hai. Lekin tum jis rider ke haath bhejogey, usko koi police wala na pakad le?
Roshan- Nahi pakdega, mein porter se bhejta hoon na.
Reporter- Porter ko bhi to police wala pakad sakta hai?
Roshan- Pata hi nahi chalega, uske pass us tarah ka bag hota hai, mein keh raha hoon Vaishali, Ghaziabad, Pitumpura, Dwarka, Delhi…. sab jagah bhej raha hoon.
Reporter- Har jagah Noida se supply ho raha hai?
Rosha- Mere pass Gurgaon se bhi customer hai. Google par search mariye, mere naam se aa jayega. Just Dial par bhi mera hai.
[The exchange shows sellers treating verification measures as hollow rituals. QR scanners and labels exist on boxes, but Roshan admits they are fake and sends a price list on our phone. It emerges that counterfeit certification and covert delivery networks make enforcement ineffective. It is evident that unless monitoring targets supply chains and platforms, bans will remain cosmetic.]
Roshan now sends us the list of banned crackers he has, along with their rates, on our phone. In the ensuing brief exchange, Roshan lays out the full range of banned firecrackers he’s offering—from basic phuljharis to high-powered skyshots.
Roshan- Aapka number hai… is number par hi likh dijiyega, sab 1000, 2000, 5000 tak ki ladi, aapko phuljhari se lekar saare item, skyshot tak, jo jo item hai uska rate yahan par likha rahega naam ke saath, total item ka rate, kis company ka hai, 12 shot ho gaya, 30 shot, 130 shot, Nazi, Babar… sab ka rate likha rahega.
[We learn how openly banned items are being marketed, with full catalogues and brand names. The tone of the seller is casual, but the scale of illegal trade is unmistakable. When illegality becomes routine, it’s not just lawbreaking—it’s normalization.]
After Roshan Gupta, Tehelka met Sparsh Tiwari, another firecracker vendor from Noida. Sparsh showed us banned crackers hidden beneath the table at his shop. In order to probe the seller, our reporter asserts that he’s not looking for children’s firecrackers but the powerful, banned ones. Sparsh Tiwari responds confidently, offering “mardon wale” items—bombs, ladis, and other traditional explosives. He told us he wouldn’t give us green crackers, but only traditional ones that have been banned by the Supreme Court.
Reporter- Bhaiya patakhe hain? Hame bacchon wale nahi chahiye!
Sparsh- Mardon wale bhi hain!
Reporter- Ye baat kari na! Mardon wale dikhao, humne kaha bacchon wale nahi chaiye keh raha hai mardon wale bhi hain…kya naam hai tera?
Sparsh- Sparsh Tiwari
Reporter- Sparsh, dikhao kaun kaun se patakhe hain, tumne to khazana rakha hua hai chupa ke. Bomb wagera hain sab?
Sparsh- Haan hain.
Reporter- Ladi?
Sparsh- Haan, ye lo mini bullet.
Reporter- Ye kya bomb hai?
Sparsh- Haan, ye sabse chota hai.
Reporter- Bahar nikal loo na?
Reporter (continues)- Ye green patakhe to nahi hain? Green wale nahi chahiye hame.
Sparsh- Nahi, koi nahi hai green.
Reporter- Jo pehle biktey they, traditional.
Sparsh- Wahi hain.
Reporter- Supreme Court ne kaha hai na ke green patakhe chalao, par hame nahi chahiye.
Sparsh- Green nahi hai, ye dikhane ke liye chipka diya hai, green nahi hain ye.
[Sparsh admits that the green labels are just pasted on for show, and the products are the same old banned ones. We see how banned crackers are being sold openly, with fake green labels to dodge the law. What emerges is that rules exist, but sellers know how to bend them.]
When asked if the nearby police chowki might cause trouble while carrying banned crackers from his shop, Sparsh confidently assured us there would be no such issue. Sparsh brushes off the worry, saying some of his customers carried Rs 50,000–Rs 60,000 worth of crackers without any hassle. Sparsh explained that the crackers are expensive because they are banned, and agreed to send them to our home via porter, guaranteeing that the police wouldn’t stop the delivery since all boxes carry fake green logos.
Reporter- Accha ye batao saamne police chauki hai, patake lekar jayenge, dikkat to nahi hogi hame?
Sparsh- Arey aap le jao, koi dikkat nahi hogi.
Reporter- Kyun hamko kyun nahi hogi?
Sparsh- 50-60 hazar ke le jaatey hain log.
Reporter- 50-60 hazar ke patakhe?
Sparsh- Haan…le jaatey hain log.
Reporter- Ye wale mehnge kyun hain.
Sparsh- Kyun ki ye ban hai, bade wale.
Reporter- Wo to saare patakhe ban hain, isliye mehnge hain?
Sparsh- Haan, peeche se jo maal aayega, waise hi to bechenge.
Reporter- Mujhe home delivery karwa dega?
Sparsh- Haan, porter karega.
Reporter- Porter kar dega, apna number de.
Reporter (continues) – Maine tujhe hi likhkar bheja hai, porter-ke through bhijwa diyo, aisa na ho koi police wala pakad le?
Sparsh- Nahi porter ko nahi pakdenge, kyunki unmein stamp lagi hoti hai na… isliye nahi pakadtey.
[We learn how banned goods are moved with confidence, even near police stations. When sellers start offering delivery with built-in evasion tactics, it shows the system isn’t just weak—it’s being misused.]
In this brief exchange, Sparsh admitted to the Tehelka reporter that the green crackers displayed at his shop are all fake. He admitted they were kept only to mislead authorities into thinking he sells eco-friendly crackers. He also revealed that the green logos on the boxes are completely counterfeit.
Reporter- Accha, jo tune green patakhe rakhe hue hain, wo sahi mein green hai ya dikhane ke liye hain?
Sparsh- Dikhane ke liye.
Reporter- Dikhane ke liye… nakli wale?
Sparsh- Haan, bas mohar laga rakhi hai, tabhi to sab dhuaan chodhtey hain.
[The dialogue reveals that fake green crackers are openly sold with just a fake green stamp to fool people. The reporter’s probing reveals how easily rules are bypassed and labels misused.]
Sparsh made another confession to our reporter. In this revealing exchange, the seller casually admits to paying regular bribes to the local police station, ranging from Rs 5,000 to Rs 20,000 a month until Diwali. When asked if this amount is low, he clarifies that the police take less, while the higher share goes to “the authority,” alluding to officials of the Noida administration.
Reporter- Police chauki par to hafta ja raha hoga tera?
[Worryingly, we learn that bribery is not just routine—it’s structured, with different levels of officials taking their cut. The brief dialogue uncovers a layered system of illegal payments that helps sustain the illegal trade.]
Our reporter then met Sunil Tiwari, a firecracker vendor from Noida. Sunil said he could supply all traditional crackers banned by the Supreme Court, including Ravan bomb, Nazi bomb, Hydrogen bomb, and lari. He mentioned that he lives with his parents and runs both a tea stall and a cracker shop in Noida. He claimed he sells crackers throughout the year. When asked about his cracker shop, he jokes that it runs “24 months a year,” hinting at its uninterrupted illegal operation. He also promised doorstep delivery.
Reporter- Patakha kaun kaun se hain? Hame to asli wale chaiye, jo pehle chaltey they, dhamake wale. Green wale nahi chahiye hamko.
Sunil- To ye lo Ravan bomb.
Reporter- Ravan bomb, arey wah! Aur kaun kaun se hain?
Sunil- Aur mil jayega Nazi bomb, Hydrogen bomb, ladi.
Reporter- Ladi mil jayegi?
Sunil- Haan 1000, 2000, 5000 wali mil jayegi
Reporter- Home delivery karwa dogey, 128 sector, Noida, mein?
Sunil- Pahuch jayega; aur bataiye?
Sunil- Ye mera card hai, neeche wala mera number hai. Chai ki dukan par permanent milega.
Reporter- Chai ki dukan aapki hai?
Sunil- Haan, Mummy-papa ki.
Reporter- Aur patakho ki dukan aapki hai?
Sunil- Haan 24 mahiney milegi.
Reporter- Mahiney to 12 hote hain?
Sunil- Ha ha ha! Ye sab to chale jayenge, hum yahi hain.
[In this candid exchange, a seller proudly offers banned, high-intensity firecrackers, and promises doorstep delivery. We learn that banned crackers are not just available—they’re marketed with flair and delivered like any regular product. Enforcement seems absent.]
Sunil now promised to send us traditional crackers, the kind banned by the Supreme Court, instead of green ones. He said he would personally deliver them to our house and claimed that the local administration in Noida knows him well, as he has been running a tea stall there for the past nine years. So, he believes nothing will happen to him while delivering the banned crackers.
Reporter- Kya naam hai aapka?
Sunil- Sunil Tiwari.
Reporter- Hame green nahi chaiye jo Supreme Court ne kaha hai na, hame green nahi chahiye.
Sunil- Theek hai ji.
Reporter- Wahi chahiye traditional, jo pehle chaltey they.
Sunil- Sab mil jayega.
Reporter- Bhejogey kaise?
Sunil -Mein khud aaunga, bhaiya aayenge.
Reporter- Koi dikkat to nahi hogi rastey mein, police wale pakad lein?
Sunil- Sab apne hain. Prashasan se juda hua hoon. Chai ki dukan hai 9 saal se to aas pass Commissioner office hai, jitna thana, chauki hain, sab jaantey hain…
[In this exchange, Sunil Tiwari, assures us that traditional, banned firecrackers are readily available with him. He promises personal delivery and confidently brushes off any fear of police action. We learn that banned crackers are sold with full confidence, seemingly backed by local connections.]
Sunil further admits that he pays bribes to the local police to keep his firecracker shop running, even though it sells banned items. He added that, since he runs a tea stall, officials “eat well all year,” implying they regularly receive free refreshments and tea from him. His long-standing tea stall seems to add to his confidence and local influence.
Reporter- Rocket hain tumhare pass? Yahan to police wale pareshan kar rahe honge?
Sunil- Abhi to halka phulka bech rahe hain, bol rahe hain parson se laga lo.
Reporter- Parson se bola hai laga lo. Kuch nahi kahenge?
Sunil- Paisa ja raha hai.
Reporter- Kitna?
Sunil- Hum bataye to hamari jaankari hai poore saal khatey peetey hain to hamare liye to samajh lo aap.
Reporter- Accha aap ki chai ki dukaan bhi hai na permanent?
Sunil- Haan.
[Sunil admits that he pays bribes to the local police to keep his firecracker shop running, even though it sells banned items. So, bribery ensures smooth illegal sales, with sellers feeling secure under informal protection.]
Tehelka’s investigation exposed vendors openly selling firecrackers banned by the Supreme Court. These sellers were caught on camera not only dealing in illegal crackers but also doing so beyond the court-permitted dates—October 18 to 20—and that too, only for green crackers. On October 24, four days after the court’s deadline had expired, we contacted Suraj, Roshan Gupta, Sparsh Tiwari, and Sunil Tiwari — and found they were still willing to supply banned crackers, even after Diwali.
All four were found selling banned crackers right under the nose of a police post, situated barely 50 meters from their stalls. They admitted to bribing local police and confessed that they sell banned crackers not just during Diwali, but throughout the year—at weddings, birthday parties, New Year’s Eve, anniversaries, and other celebrations. On Diwali night, crackers were burst till 3 a.m., violating the Supreme Court’s strict time slots of 6–7 a.m. and 8–10 p.m.
Rampant sale of illegal crackers and blatant disregard for court orders contributed to a sharp rise in post-Diwali air pollution across Delhi-NCR, leaving residents coughing, sneezing, and suffering from burning eyes. The gravity of the situation is evident from the Delhi government’s decision to induce artificial rain through cloud seeding to combat toxic air.
Now, unscrupulous traders like Suraj, Roshan Gupta, Sparsh Tiwari, and Sunil Tiwari must be held accountable for selling banned crackers year-round and worsening air quality. Shockingly, minor children were also caught on camera selling high-intensity ‘Fauji bombs’ at one of the stalls—a serious legal violation. None of the vendors Tehelka approached was selling genuine green crackers; instead, they admitted to deceiving authorities by displaying fake green boxes with counterfeit logos.
After record voter turnout in Phase I, will the trend continue in Phase II on Tuesday?The record turnout has strong implications for the political climate in Bihar and beyond. Both the ruling NDA and opposition Mahagathbandhan are interpreting these numbers to suit their individual narratives.
File Photo
The 2025 Assembly elections in Bihar witnessed an unprecedented 65.08% voter turnout in the first phase—the highest in the state’s electoral history—pointing to an energized and highly engaged electorate and perhaps a change. According to analysts, the turnout surpasses the 57.29% recorded in the 2020 Assembly polls and the 56.28% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, reflecting a near 8% rise in voter participation compared to earlier elections. Overall, the increase in voting activity is interesting, signalling many changes in the outcome of this fiercely contested electoral battle.
Both the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) under Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and the opposition Mahagathbandhan led by Tejashwi Yadav are interpreting these numbers to suit their individual narratives. As per the NDA, it is a reaffirmation of public trust in their governance and welfare initiatives, while opposition parties see it as an expression of anti-incumbency sentiment and a public desire for change. The question is, who is right? According to Jan Suraaj Party founder Prashant Kishor, this reflects the increased engagement of migrants.
This high voter engagement is set against the backdrop of complex caste-based politics, a bitter and intense campaign by major alliances, and the rise of a newbie—Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party. The Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, which removed around 65 lakh names to clean the voter list, may have played a role in influencing the turnout percentage, despite controversies, many analysts feel.
In any case, implications of this turnout are significant, they say, arguing that a politically aware electorate is calling for accountability, development, and job creation. The elections in Bihar, which send 40 members to the national Lok Sabha, are a critical test of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s influence, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s leadership, and the anti-SIR campaign of the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi. As Bihar awaits the final phase of voting on November 11, the question is—will the 2025 Bihar elections be a landmark in the country’s electoral history?
According to officials, India is coordinating with local authorities and international partners to ensure the safe return of the abducted individuals. Several countries have also issued travel advisories urging caution or evacuation due to the unpredictable security conditions in Mali.
Photo: Indian embassy X handle
Five Indian nationals were kidnapped on November 6 near Kobri in western Mali while working on an electrification project. The gunmen reportedly abducted them in an area facing escalating violence from jihadist groups linked to Al-Qaeda. The Indian Embassy in Mali is working closely with Malian authorities and the concerned company to secure their safe and prompt release. “The Embassy is aware of the unfortunate incident of kidnapping of five of our nationals on 6 Nov 2025. The Embassy has been working closely with the authorities and the company concerned to secure their safe release as quickly as possible,” the Indian Embassy wrote on X
Mali is currently ruled by a military junta and is grappling with severe unrest, largely driven by jihadist violence from groups like Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam al-Muslimin (JNIM)—an Al-Qaeda affiliate. These groups have intensified attacks on highways, fuel convoys, and security forces, worsening the country’s instability and economic hardship. Kidnapping of foreigners has become a common tactic used by armed groups in the region, with earlier incidents targeting other Indian nationals and foreign workers, according to reports
So far as this incident is concerned, reportedly no group has publicly claimed responsibility.
According to officials, India is coordinating with local authorities and international partners to ensure the safe return of the abducted individuals. Several countries have also issued travel advisories urging caution or evacuation due to the unpredictable security conditions in Mali.
According to analysts, the terror threat in Mali mainly comes from JNIM which has grown to be the deadliest militant organization in West Africa. Formed in 2017 as a coalition of several extremist factions, JNIM seeks to overthrow the Malian government and impose its strict interpretation of Islamic law. The group operates through agile, mobile fighters who blend into local communities, using guerrilla tactics like ambushes, bombings, and assassinations.
JNIM has expanded its control by cutting off transport routes, especially targeting fuel supplies to the capital, Bamako. Since September 2025, it has imposed an economic siege on the capital by blocking important highways that bring fuel and goods from neighboring countries, leading to fuel shortages, power outages, and closures of schools and hospitals. The group also collects taxes, runs courts, and establishes alternative governance in areas under its influence, as per reports.
This strategy has significantly weakened the Malian military, which is more suited for conventional warfare and struggles, the analysts add.
Haryana Police’s state-wide campaign, “Operation Track down,” has gotten off to a strong start. In the first two days of the operation, which ran from November 5th to 20th, the police demonstrated a strong crackdown, arresting a total of 56 notorious criminals and 602 other accused. This brings the total number of criminals in police custody to 602.
The first two days were a resounding success. The operation began on November 5th, with 32 criminals arrested in a single day. The following day, November 6th, saw the arrest of 24 more notorious criminals, and the arrest of 252 other accused. Nine history sheets were also opened during these two days, which will update the criminal records of such criminals and expedite the process of canceling their bail in the future.
Led by DGP O.P. Singh, this campaign is strategically targeting criminals at the police station, district, and state levels. Each police station is targeting the five most notorious criminals in its area, while each district team is focused on arresting its top ten criminals. Similarly, the Special Task Force (STF) has compiled a list of the twenty most dangerous criminals across the state, against whom the strictest action is being taken.
To connect Operation Track down with the public and further strengthen police-public cooperation, IG Crime has also made public his personal mobile number 90342 90495, so that citizens can share information confidentially.
Inter-state harmony
Haryana Police has increased coordination with Punjab, Rajasthan, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Chandigarh Police and has started activities like joint raids and warrant execution in the border areas.
The clear message of this campaign is that the priority is not just arrests, but also dismantling the criminal network, cancelling their bail, seizing their assets, and preventing new crimes. The success of the first two days has already demonstrated that Haryana has become “no place to hide” for criminals.
Shashi Tharoor’s remarks praising BJP veteran L.K. Advani on his birthday has once again sparked controversy, putting the spotlight on both his stance and his party—the Congress.
On the BJP veteran’s 98th birthday, Tharoor described him as a “true statesman whose life of service has been exemplary,” highlighting Advani’s “unwavering commitment to public service, his modesty and decency, and his role in shaping the trajectory of modern India.”
“Wishing the venerable Shri L.K. Advani a very happy 98th birthday! His unwavering commitment to public service, his modesty and decency, and his role in shaping the trajectory of modern India are indelible. A true statesman whose life of service has been exemplary,” Tharoor wrote on X. His post triggered backlash, including from Congress supporters who accused him of “whitewashing” Advani’s role in the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Responding to the criticism, Tharoor said it was unfair to allow a single episode to define a leader’s entire career—again putting him at odds with the Congress leadership on such issues. “The totality of Nehruji’s career cannot be judged by the China setback, nor Indira Gandhi’s by the Emergency alone. I believe we should extend the same courtesy to Advaniji,” Tharoor also argued in response to another criticism.
The Congress distanced itself from Tharoor’s statement with Pawan Khera stating, “Dr. Shashi Tharoor speaks for himself, and the Indian National Congress outrightly dissociates itself from his most recent statement.”
“Like always, Dr. Shashi Tharoor speaks for himself, and the Indian National Congress outrightly dissociates itself from his most recent statement. That he continues to do so as a Congress MP and CWC member reflects the essential democratic and liberal spirit unique to the INC,” he said.
The Congress tried to project itself as a “democratic and liberal” party, but the episode marked yet another instance of Tharoor crossing swords with its leadership. Tharoor remains a controversial figure within the Congress, generating debate over whether his actions make him an albatross or an asset for his party.
Tharoor has repeatedly clashed with the Congress leadership, praising Prime Minister Narendra Modi and also criticizing dynastic politics—a subject with direct implications for the party’s Nehru-Gandhi family leadership. His statements, often seized upon by the rival BJP to attack the Congress, have caused embarrassment for the party. Despite this, there is little evidence that the party will take immediate disciplinary action. Tharoor’s intellectual reputation, international stature, and mass appeal give him the political heft that protects him, even as some colleagues label him the BJP’s “super spokesperson.”
For now, the Congress seems to be performing a balancing act—tolerating Tharoor’s views while avoiding making him a martyr, something he seems to be daring the party to do by taking action against him.
