In one-day action, the police registered 75 cases and arrested 98 notorious criminals, sending them behind bars. In addition, 256 other offenders involved in various crimes were also sent to jail. Moreover, the state police achieved another milestone by opening the history sheets of 81 criminals in a single day. This number is a significant increase from the 179 history sheets opened in the last 12 days, bringing the total number of history sheets to 260. If we look at the overall success of this operation, a total of 768 notorious criminals have been arrested so far under Operation Track Down, while 2980 other accused involved in various crimes have also been arrested by the police.
Several districts have made commendable contributions to the success of this operation. Speaking of this one-day performance, Jhajjar district led from the front with 21 arrests across 18 cases. Following it were Karnal (9), Kaithal (8), and Rohtak (8), which also made significant arrests of notorious criminals. In history sheet openings, Sonipat district demonstrated its prompt action by opening history sheets of 26 criminals, the highest number in a day. Additionally, Rohtak opened 16 history sheets, and Gurugram opened 11, marking significant steps in curbing organized crime.
Looking at the total number of cases registered, 75 FIRs were filed under Operation Trackdown in a single day and 98 arrests were made. Among crime categories, most cases were registered under the Arms Act (27 cases with 33 arrests). There were 16 cases of Attempt to Murder with 23 arrests and 6 cases of Robbery with 10 arrests. Meanwhile, 10 Extortion cases were registered with 10 arrests. This extensive operation reflects the police’s multi-dimensional strategy aimed not only at arrests but also at attacking the very roots of crime.
Taking Operation Track Down forward, Karnal Police on November 18, 2025, arrested two accused who attempted to illegally grab land. On the complaint of Anil Kumar, a team from Ramnagar Police Station, led by Investigating Officer ASI Vinod Kumar, arrested accused Ramesh, son of Raghunath (resident of Ramnagar, Karnal), and Vishal Walia, son of Amarjit Singh (resident of Karnal), from Prem Nagar. The accused, along with their accomplices, attempted illegal possession of plots in Yamuna Vihar Colony, Karnal on November 16, 2025. Investigation revealed that the main accused Ramesh already has six serious criminal cases registered against him. These include cases registered in 2011 under Section 384 (Extortion) and the Arms Act, and a case registered in 2022 under Section 307 (Attempt to Murder). Both accused were produced before the court and police secured a one-day remand to recover the weapon used and arrest other suspects involved in the incident through intensive interrogation.
In continuation of Operation Track Down, Karnal Police on November 18, 2025, arrested four more accused wanted in a case of assault stemming from an old rivalry. Based on a secret input, a team led by ASI Deepak Kumar of City Police Station apprehended Babli, son of Om Prakash; Jasram, son of Sushil Kumar; Pradeep, son of Babli; and Sagar, son of Jagdish. These accused had allegedly abused and attacked complainant Mohit and his friend with sticks and wooden rods at Meera Ghati Park on April 26, 2025, and fled the spot. The case was already registered at City Police Station, and earlier five accused had been arrested. It was revealed during interrogation that the main accused Babli has six prior cases registered against him as well, including a 2015 case under the Arms Act and a 2019 Extortion case under Section 384. Police are questioning all arrested accused to uncover additional aspects and involvement in the case.
Two beloved elephants at Wildlife SOS’s Elephant Conservation and Care Centre (ECCC) in Mathura mark a major milestone this month, 15 years of freedom after being rescued from lives of suffering. Maya, once a performing elephant forced to entertain crowds in a circus, and Bijli, formerly used for begging on Agra’s streets until a tragic accident led to her rescue, were brought to the centre in 2010. Today, both elephants stand as living testaments to recovery, compassion, and the transformative power of regular, tailored medical interventions and care.
Rescued from years of abuse, Maya and Bijli arrived at ECCC bearing deep emotional and physical scars. Over the past decade and a half, the two female elephants have flourished under expert veterinary supervision and caregiving, rediscovering trust, friendship, and the simple joys of an elephant’s natural life. Maya has formed a steady bond with fellow resident Phoolkali, while Bijli shares a close companionship with Chanchal and Laxmi, spending her days foraging, dust-bathing, and enjoying long walks.
Maya, aged 51, and Bijli, aged 45, continue to thrive under Wildlife SOS’s dedicated care despite their health challenges. Maya, with impaired vision, and Bijli, with a deformed hind leg from an old fracture, receive regular treatment, nutrition, and care. Both have shown remarkable resilience and steady recovery through expert medical attention and compassionate rehabilitation. To commemorate their 15th rescue anniversary, the Wildlife SOS team organised a grand fruit feast, featuring a colourful spread of sugarcane, watermelon, papaya, banana, beetroot, and cauliflower, celebrating their remarkable journey from pain to peace.
Kartick Satyanarayan, Co-founder & CEO, Wildlife SOS, said, “Maya and Bijli’s journey represents everything Wildlife SOS stands for, transforming cruelty into care. Their lives remind us that every rescue is not just a story of survival, but of hope restored.”
Geeta Seshamani, Co-founder & Secretary, Wildlife SOS, shared, “Fifteen years ago, Maya and Bijli knew only hardship. Today, they live surrounded by kindness, companionship, and security. Their transformation inspires us to keep fighting for every elephant still waiting for this chance.”
Dr. S Ilayaraja, Deputy Director- Veterinary Services, Wildlife SOS, stated, “Caring for elephants with chronic injuries and trauma is a long-term commitment. Seeing Maya and Bijli healthy and content after 15 years of dedicated rehabilitation shows what proper veterinary care can achieve.”
Bihar’s 2025 election has rewritten the political playbook. In an unexpected turn of events, Nitish Kumar’s leadership and the BJP-led NDA triumphed over two decades of anti-incumbency, delivering a decisive win in what was expected to be a tight race. The ‘Mahagathbandhan’, once seen as the strongest opposition, crumbled under internal discord, poor strategy, and unfulfilled promises. However, the true game-changer was the rise of women voters, emerging as the driving force behind the NDA’s victory.
Tehelka’s cover story “NDA Scripts Historic Win in Bihar” by Vibha Sharma explores how the BJP-led NDA swept Bihar as the Congress–RJD alliance faltered, with women voters playing a decisive role. For the first time in Bihar’s history, women outnumbered men at polling booths, with a record 71.6% female turnout compared to 62.8% among men. This shift wasn’t just symbolic—it was instrumental in the NDA’s overwhelming win. Women, often sidelined in politics, became the “kingmakers,” rewarding the NDA for its welfare-driven policies like the “Dus Hazari” scheme, which transferred Rs 10,000 to over 1.2 crore women. Unlike the opposition, which offered only promises, the NDA had already delivered tangible benefits.
The NDA’s success also stemmed from a potent mix of Narendra Modi’s national appeal and Nitish Kumar’s governance record, presented under the “double-engine government” model. Voters favored stability, development, and welfare over divisive politics and caste-based rhetoric. The NDA’s narrative of progress resonated with an electorate tired of the old ways, while the opposition’s focus on caste politics and legacy struggles fell flat.
Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD, despite vigorous campaigning, couldn’t shake off the “Jungle Raj” image that continued to haunt the party. His attempts to distance himself from Lalu Prasad Yadav’s legacy failed, and internal rifts within the ‘Mahagathbandhan’ further hindered their cause. With Congress securing only six seats and Rahul Gandhi’s absence from the campaign trail, the opposition appeared fragmented and uncoordinated. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj campaign only deepened the divide.
The results have reset Bihar’s political landscape. Women voters are now a decisive bloc, signaling a shift away from traditional caste-based politics. The opposition must now recognize that unity, credible leadership, and a coherent narrative focused on welfare and governance are essential to challenging the NDA’s dominance.
For the Grand Alliance, Bihar’s message is clear: passion alone won’t win elections. Delivering on promises and staying connected with the people is what matters. With its victory in Bihar, the BJP is now eyeing upcoming elections in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, where the political shift driven by women voters may continue to reshape India’s electoral future.
Continuing its investigative work, Tehelka’s Special Investigative Team has launched a new exposé, revealing how media collude with political parties to manipulate electoral narratives through paid newsin newspapers, magazines, and electronic media. Such news resembles advertisements, but without the ad tag. Since paid news has long plagued society, Tehelka decided to investigate this, and the result is our special story, “The Paid News Files.”
As the elected government enters its second year, the promised statehood seems more distant than ever. So much so that even the Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has grown despondent. He told reporters as much during the recent Assembly session.
“I was hopeful from day one about the restoration of statehood,” he said. “Now, the hope has diminished. The longer you keep us waiting and delay statehood, the less hopeful we’ll be.”
He has now sought a timeline for the restoration of statehood.
Since the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, the NC has found itself navigating an uneasy space, attempting to reassert its relevance in a Union Territory stripped of its constitutional status, while facing internal dissent from sections of the party that view its leadership as too conciliatory toward the Centre.
But Omar has categorically ruled out any alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), dismissing speculation that the NC might enter into a tactical understanding to secure administrative leverage, or encourage the BJP to grant statehood by assuring it of stake and sway in the consequently empowered elected government.
Yet even as Omar closed that door, political insiders suggest that the NC’s relationship with the Centre remains a subject of delicate calibration. Since the abrogation of Article 370, and after forming the government, the party leadership has adopted a tone of institutional engagement and also avoided direct confrontation.
This approach, while pragmatic, has alienated some within the party who feel that the NC’s moral capital lies in its historic opposition to the erosion of J&K’s autonomy.
There’s a small section in the party that believes Omar’s politics has become too cautious. They think people are angry and frustrated as they expect stronger words and stronger action. Appeasement, even if strategic, doesn’t sit well in this climate.
Leading this thinking is the party’s senior leader and Member Parliament Aga Ruhullah Mehdi. For months, Ruhullah has been the most vocal voice within the National Conference (NC) demanding a clear and uncompromising stand against the Centre, particularly on the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood and special constitutional status.
While Omar Abdullah has chosen a more calibrated tone — seeking to balance criticism of the BJP-led government with pragmatic engagement — Ruhullah has made it clear that he will not be part of what he calls “appeasement politics.”
In protest against his party, Ruhullah refused to campaign for his party’s candidate Aga Mehmood in the bypoll in Budgam constituency. In his conversations with the media, Ruhullah has said he would “strictly not be part of the campaigning” as the party has failed to fulfil the promises it made to the people after August 5, 2019, when Article 370 and 35A were abrogated and the state was downgraded to a Union Territory.
The Budgam bypoll, therefore, has become a proxy battleground for the ideological struggle within the NC – between those who believe in calibrated accommodation with New Delhi and Ruhullah, who insists that Kashmir’s political identity cannot be diluted for electoral expediency.
“My loyalty is to my conscience and principles,” Ruhullah wrote on X, distancing himself publicly from Mehmood’s optimism. “While I hold respect for my elders in my family, I request them not to belittle my fight (our fight). If they can’t comprehend it and be part of it, at least don’t drag me and my struggle to this level.”
Ruhullah’s invocation of “conscience” is not new. It has been a recurring motif in his public statements since 2019. Soon after the abrogation, when many mainstream leaders were silent or under detention, Ruhullah emerged as one of the few who spoke unapologetically about loss, betrayal, and identity.
Ruhullah’s view is shared by a significant section of the population in the Valley, arguing for a more assertive articulation of the party’s pre-2019 stand. Others, however, fear that an overtly confrontational stance could invite administrative reprisals and further shrink political space.
After a four-year hiatus, the century-and-a-half-old practice of the Darbar move—symbolizing the unity of Jammu and Kashmir—was revived in October, with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah walking to the Civil Secretariat in Jammu amid cheers, flower showers, and beating drums. For many, the moment carried emotional and historical resonance. Traders and ordinary citizens viewed it not just as the return of an administrative ritual, but as the restoration of a tradition that tied the two regions together—economically, culturally, and symbolically.
The Darbar move dates back to the 1870s, when the Dogra rulers instituted the biannual shifting of the capital between Srinagar and Jammu. The move ensured that both regions received administrative attention and that officials worked in climatic comfort—Srinagar in summer, Jammu in winter. More importantly, it was a political device to integrate two distinct regions with different geography, demography, and temperament. The practice outlasted monarchy and continued through the democratic era, surviving wars, insurgencies, and political upheavals.
That continuity was broken in 2021, when the administration under Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha scrapped the tradition, citing cost and efficiency. Officials claimed that the e-office system had rendered physical relocation unnecessary and that the state could save nearly Rs 200 crore annually. The decision, however, provoked strong reactions in Jammu. The region’s traders, hotel owners, and transporters argued that the end of the move struck at the heart of their economy.
Indeed, for decades, Jammu’s winter economy has thrived on this seasonal migration. Thousands of government employees, their families, and support staff relocating from the Valley turned Jammu into a bustling hub for five months every year. The influx created demand for rental housing, transportation, hospitality, and retail services. Restaurants filled, hotels ran at full capacity, and markets along Residency Road and Raghunath Bazar came alive with shoppers. When the move was halted, Jammu’s traders said, the city fell eerily quiet.
The return of the move this year, therefore, represents more than nostalgia—it reflects the economic interdependence between the two regions. While politics often pits Jammu and Kashmir against each other, economics quietly binds them. This interdependence was visible in the rousing welcome Omar Abdullah received from traders, many of whom are otherwise aligned with the BJP. By reviving the move, Abdullah not only restored an emotional tradition but also ensured a tangible economic lifeline for the Jammu region.
The timing of the decision is also politically astute. The 2024 Assembly elections once again exposed the deep political polarization between the two regions: the National Conference swept the Valley, while the BJP dominated Jammu. This sharp divide reinforced the perception that Jammu and Kashmir remain two separate political worlds with conflicting aspirations. Yet, beneath this divide lies an undeniable economic reality—Jammu’s prosperity, particularly in the winter months, is tied to Kashmir’s presence. The Darbar Move, in that sense, acts as a bridge, softening political antagonism through economic necessity.
Omar Abdullah, in defending the move, captured this balance succinctly. “Not everything should be measured in monetary terms,” he told reporters. “Some things hold emotional significance.” His statement underlines a deeper truth: that the move’s value lies not just in symbolism, but in sustaining the lived connections that link the two regions.
Of course, the practical challenges remain. The logistics of transporting files, maintaining administrative continuity, and ensuring cost efficiency will always be debated. Yet, the benefits—economic, psychological, and political—arguably outweigh the expenditure. The Move reinforces a sense of shared space and seasonal coexistence, countering the narrative of separateness that has long haunted Jammu and Kashmir’s politics.
Ultimately, the Darbar Move endures because it embodies an unspoken compact: that despite political divergence, the destinies of Jammu and Kashmir remain intertwined. The practice may have begun as a royal convenience, but over time it has evolved into an expression of regional interdependence—where economics tempers politics and tradition sustains unity.
On a crisp winter day in the heart of Delhi, a shocking attack unfolded that would not only leave the Indian capital reeling but also mark a dangerous shift like terrorism in the region. A car bomb, parked in the busy commercial and diplomatic district of the city, exploded, killing several and injuring dozens. The immediate shockwaves reverberated through the political and security circles of India, triggering questions not only about the security apparatus but also about the very nature of the attackers themselves.
In a tragic twist, investigations revealed that the bomb was planted by individuals with backgrounds that were anything but typical for a terrorist cell. The suspected attackers, it emerged, were highly educated, highly skilled professionals—one of them a doctor. The identity of the individuals behind the attack has since sent shockwaves through the national security establishment, pointing to a disturbing trend of “white-collar” terrorism that is slowly emerging as a new and formidable threat.
This attack, while horrifying, signals the growing threat of radicalized professionals who have the skills and resources to cause significant damage to society. It’s no longer just fringe extremists or militants from the rural underbelly of the country; educated, well-off professionals are now increasingly becoming involved in acts of terror. These individuals often operate in plain sight, making them difficult to detect and even harder to anticipate.
The Sequence of Events: A Disconcerting Pattern
The car bomb that exploded in the heart of Delhi was not an isolated event but part of a larger, more troubling trend that has been evolving in recent years. As investigators pieced together the clues, the sequence of events that led to the attack began to emerge.
In the weeks leading up to the bombing, intelligence reports indicated heightened activity among extremist groups across India, but there was nothing specific pointing to the involvement of professionals or skilled workers. The first indication that this attack was different came when investigators discovered that one of the key suspects was a trained doctor. In fact, it later came to light that several of the individuals involved had professional credentials, including engineering and medical degrees, which is atypical for the kind of operatives that most counterterrorism experts were accustomed to dealing with.
The car bomb itself was a highly sophisticated device, one that was designed to maximize casualties in a high-traffic area. The precision and skill required to assemble such an explosive device suggest a level of education and technical expertise that goes beyond what would be expected from a traditional terrorist cell. Further investigation revealed that the planners had meticulously studied the area, taking into account factors such as traffic patterns, security vulnerabilities, and the specific target zones to ensure maximum impact.
What makes this attack even more concerning is the way in which it was executed. The individuals behind the bombing were able to blend into mainstream society. They weren’t operating from the fringes of society as we have often seen in past terror operations; instead, they were part of the very fabric of Indian urban life. They were educated, middle-class individuals who could pass unnoticed in the very communities that they were now targeting. This shift in profile is a stark departure from the “traditional” image of a terrorist, making it more difficult for authorities to track or predict these types of attacks.
The Rise of Radicalized Professionals
The car bomb attack in Delhi points to a growing trend of radicalization among educated professionals in India and across the world. These individuals—doctors, engineers, teachers, and other professionals—are becoming increasingly involved in terrorist activities, challenging the existing security paradigms that once categorized terrorism as a phenomenon rooted in poverty and lack of education.
This new brand of terror is both more insidious and more dangerous. Radicalized professionals have access to resources, networks, and knowledge that make them far more capable than the traditional foot soldiers of terror groups. Their professional backgrounds often provide them with the technical skills needed to carry out complex attacks, such as bomb-making, hacking, or strategic planning. They are also better equipped to elude detection, blending in with society and moving freely through cities and towns. In a country like India, with its large and complex urban populations, this is a serious concern for law enforcement agencies.
Why White-Collar Terror is a New Kind of Threat
What makes white-collar terrorism so dangerous is that it breaks down many of the assumptions that law enforcement agencies and intelligence services have built over the years. Historically, most terrorist organizations have relied on marginalized individuals—those with limited access to education, economic opportunities, and social mobility. These individuals are often recruited from impoverished or disenfranchised communities and are more easily manipulated and radicalized by extremist ideologies.
However, the rise of white-collar terrorism signals a shift in this dynamic. Professionals who have achieved social and economic success are now increasingly becoming susceptible to extremist ideologies. This new breed of terrorist is not motivated solely by economic deprivation or social alienation; they may be driven by religious, political, or ideological beliefs, or they may have personal grievances that they feel cannot be addressed through traditional means. These individuals have a higher level of education, access to professional networks, and financial resources, which allows them to conduct their operations in a far more sophisticated manner.
The Role of Social Media and Online Radicalization
A key factor in the rise of white-collar terrorism is the role that social media and the internet play in the radicalization process. In the past, extremist groups relied heavily on word-of-mouth or physical meetings to recruit new members. Today, however, social media platforms like Telegram, Twitter, and Facebook have become key tools for spreading extremist propaganda and recruiting individuals from all walks of life. Professionals, in particular, are more likely to consume information through digital platforms, making them vulnerable to online radicalization.
The online radicalization process for educated individuals tends to be more subtle. Unlike the overtly manipulative recruitment tactics used to lure disenfranchised youth, radicalization among professionals often starts with a deep dive into online forums, discussions, and articles that appeal to their intellectual curiosity. Once they become hooked on extremist ideologies, the shift to active participation in terrorist activities may come gradually and even seem rational to the individual. The access to online training materials, such as bomb-making guides or strategies for evading law enforcement, can also make these individuals more capable of carrying out acts of terror on their own.
A Changing Landscape for Counterterrorism
The rise of white-collar terrorism presents a host of challenges for law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Traditional methods of detecting and preventing terrorism, such as monitoring extremist hotspots or tracking individuals with criminal backgrounds, are no longer sufficient to address this new type of threat. White-collar terrorists are harder to spot because they don’t fit the established profiles of militants. They are often well-integrated into society, with professional careers, families, and social circles that make them appear unremarkable.
To combat this new threat, security agencies will need to adopt a more nuanced approach to counterterrorism. This will require better coordination between intelligence services, law enforcement, and private institutions like universities and hospitals, where many professionals are employed. Public-private partnerships will be crucial in identifying early warning signs of radicalization, such as subtle shifts in behavior, changes in political or religious beliefs, or withdrawal from social circles.
Additionally, there is an urgent need for a more sophisticated understanding of the psychological and ideological factors that drive professionals toward extremism. Rather than focusing solely on the external factors, such as financial difficulties or political oppression, counterterrorism efforts must also consider the internal, often deeply personal motivations behind the radicalization of educated individuals.
The Global Implications
India is not alone in facing this new form of terror. Across the world, there has been a steady rise in the involvement of educated individuals in extremist movements. In Europe, for instance, several high-profile terrorists have had advanced degrees, and the U.S. has witnessed similar trends. This suggests that the phenomenon of white-collar terrorism is part of a larger, global shift that has implications not just for India, but for the world.
As terrorism continues to evolve, so too must our understanding of it. The car bomb attack in Delhi serves as a stark reminder that terrorism is no longer a problem confined to certain parts of the world or to certain types of people. It is an ever-evolving threat that transcends borders and affects everyone, regardless of class or profession.
A Call to Action
The Delhi car bomb attack marks the beginning of a new phase in global terrorism, one where educated and skilled professionals play an increasingly central role. As the nature of the threat changes, so too must our approach to counterterrorism. Governments, intelligence agencies, and societies must adapt to this new reality, finding ways to identify, track, and prevent radicalized professionals from carrying out such horrific attacks.
India, and indeed the world, stands at a crossroads. The rise of white-collar terrorism presents a unique and dangerous challenge, but with the right strategies, cooperation, and vigilance, it is a threat that can be mitigated. The fight against terrorism is far from over, and the battle is only becoming more complex. But understanding the enemy, recognizing the shifting nature of the threat, and adapting our defences accordingly will be the key to ensuring a safer future for all.
With the BJP emerging as the single largest party, the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections appear to have decisively reshaped the state’s political landscape for times to come. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) sailed past the 200-seat mark in the 243-member House, decimating the Mahagathbandhan, leaving its chief ministerial face Tejashwi Yadav standing isolated, and alone.
Whether or not Nitish Kumar will return for a fifth consecutive term as chief minister remains to be seen but the NDA’s sweeping win reaffirmed his enduring influence, reinforcing his status as Bihar’s longest-serving leader. Congress’ allegations of irregularities in voters list did not alter the outcome, the NDA’s win was widely seen as a strong endorsement of its governance and a signal for future state and national elections. At the end of the counting day, even BJP’s die-hard critics admitted that the writing was more or less on the wall, the only surprising part was the “magnitude” of the victory, which perhaps the saffron leadership also did not anticipate. It must be mentioned that Union Home Minister Amit Shah had predicted 160 plus seats for the NDA
These elections saw the opposition’s caste strongholds fragmented and the NDA consolidating support among EBCs, upper castes, and segments of the Dalit community. Minority-heavy districts like Kishanganj witnessed record turnout, but the split in Muslim votes—partly due to AIMIM—limited the Mahagathbandhan’s consolidation efforts. Driven by women and strategic clarity, 2025 proved a turning point for Bihar’s politics. Opposition’s strategic missteps, inconsistent messaging, and unprecedented voter participation—especially among women—altered the state’s traditional caste arithmetic.
Women participation reflecting sustained welfare outreach aimed at cash transfers, free electricity, and incentives for entrepreneurship, gave the NDA a crucial edge, making women the “kingmakers” in seats previously dominated by the opposition. For the first time in Bihar’s history, women outnumbered men at the polling booths, shattering turnout records. While the overall turnout stood at 66.91 per cent, an extraordinary 71.6 per cent of women cast their votes, nearly nine per cent higher than the 62.8 per cent turnout among men.
One of the most talked-about schemes before the election was the Rs 10,000 assistance for women wanting to start small enterprises. The contrast between the two alliances was simple—the NDA had delivered the benefit while the Mahagathbandhan’s offer was a campaign promise. For many women, it was a real benefit already in the bank versus a promise in future—a bird in hand, you know. And contrary to opposition’s belief, people were not upset with Nitish’s government who had consistently introduced policies aimed at women for nearly two decades now.
The 2025 electoral map reflected shifting voter bases, moving beyond conventional caste and creed, leaving the opposition’s traditional caste strongholds fragmented. Driven by unprecedented women’s participation, the 2025 Bihar elections saw old rules of politics being rewritten. Analysts can do their number-crunching but these elections were more than just figures about caste and creed.
Adding to the rain of freebies was a cohesive campaign and unity among the NDA constituents—JD(U), BJP, and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas). The campaign fused Narendra Modi’s national popularity with Nitish Kumar’s governance image, underlining the “double-engine government” model. While benefits and data-driven outreach targeted women and youth, the “jungle raj” narrative concerning past RJD governance mopped the swing voters. In the end, the NDA’s messaging around stability, welfare, and development worked. Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the mandate for the ruling NDA as a vote for development over dynasty and a rejection of “negative politics”.
Mahagathbandhan— what went wrong From the word go, the Mahagathbandhan suffered from leadership issues, poor strategy, and internal discord. Tejashwi Yadav’s energetic campaigning was overshadowed by over-reliance on Yadav candidates, type-casting perceptions of caste exclusivity and alienating EBCs and upper castes. The public feud between brothers Tejashwi and Tej Pratap Yadav—who formed the Janshakti Janata Dal projected a fractured leadership on which the NDA capitalized, turning this image of instability to its advantage.
Congress’s collapse—winning only about six of the seats it contested —exposed weak organization. And where was Rahul Gandhi—the leader of opposition in the Lok Sabha—for most of October? Late campaigning and ineffective coordination blunted the early gains made during the anti-SIR Voter Adhikar Yatra. Complaints about voter list discrepancies failed to shift public perception. Delayed seat-sharing, muddled candidate selection, and inconsistent messaging further weakened the alliance. The Mahagathbandhan’s manifesto—promising jobs for every household, expanded pensions, and reviewing prohibition—lacked credible funding and implementation details. For the majority, the promises were impractical. The alliance’s identity-driven positioning, especially through overt minority-focused messaging, alienated middle-class and aspirational voters.
‘Jungle Raj’ whammy Tejashwi’s attempt to balance Lalu Prasad Yadav’s social justice legacy while distancing himself from the “jungle raj” image did not work. PM Modi’s attacks on “hiding the sins of the father” gained traction among voters prioritizing law, and order and ultimately Bihar’s electorate chose welfare-driven, development-oriented governance over caste-based/negative campaigns targeting PM Modi.
2025 elections, in fact, exposed deep structural weaknesses—discord, unclear leadership, confused messaging, and over-dependence on identity politics. The Congress, in particular, appeared almost irrelevant, landing first the most difficult seats and then sleepwalking through the campaign—a direct contrast to the NDA’s high-voltage, concentrated messaging.
The RJD’s family feud and the Congress’s organizational decline were major liabilities. Rahul Gandhi’s prolonged absence raised questions about campaign seriousness—all reflected in Congress’s strike rate, underscoring its declining influence. While concerns raised by Congress about voter roll revisions did little to influence outcomes, smaller partners failed to contribute meaningfully, compounding the alliance’s weaknesses, rather adding to the confusion.
Along with welfare measures, the NDA emphasized Modi’s popularity and Nitish’s welfare focus, supported by central schemes in health, agriculture, and infrastructure. Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj campaign further split opposition votes. Did he help the BJP- led NDA? The answer to that question is for all to see. Dubbed the ‘X factor’ in the Bihar election, the former poll strategist failed to open its account despite contesting 238 seats. Most of the JSP candidates had their deposits forfeited. The man who helped script several winning campaigns across states, including that of PM Modi in 2014, failed to open his party’s account. The results were in sync with his pre-election predictions – ‘arsh pe ya farsh pe’—for JSP but the rest of his predictions were wrong. Kishor had predicted that the NDA was “on its way out”, that Nitish Kumar “would not return as Chief Minister” and that the JD(U) “would struggle to win even 25 seats.”
Bihar—and beyond The NDA’s dominant win resets Bihar’s political equation. Women voters are the decisive bloc—this has been proved time and again in subsequent elections. Anti-incumbency was no longer a factor and nor was speculation around Nitish Kumar’s health. For the INDIA alliance, Bihar offers critical lessons—that unity, credible leadership, and a coherent narrative are indispensable. To remain relevant, can INDIA address these structural weaknesses—that is the biggest question. The opposition coalition needs to redefine itself beyond being merely anti-BJP, developing a unified vision that appeals to young and aspirational voters and emerge as a meaningful challenge.
With multiple regional leaders and competing ambitions, the alliance lacks a unified face, in contrast to Chirag Paswan and LJP—a strong force in the NDA. By making the BJP the single largest party, the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have decisively reshaped the state’s political landscape. Voters’ distaste for inconsistent messaging and strategic missteps was reflected in the unprecedented voter turnout, transforming the caste arithmetic and giving the state a new political perspective.
Can the INDIA Bloc manage this in the coming Assembly elections? With multiple regional leaders and competing ambitions, the alliance has been struggling to project a unified face, and Maharashtra — now followed by Bihar — bears that out. Winning elections no longer requires a common minimum program, it needs a unified and clear leadership structure —whether collective or centered on a single candidate—and positive messaging working towards one common goal.
ANJALI BHATIA adds to the story:
How Grand Alliance misread Bihar
From the moment the Bihar election results began to emerge on a dull, hazy November morning, it became clear that this wasn’t just a game of victory and defeat; it was a mirror of the state’s psyche, revealing all the deceits, promises, and fears of politics without any dust. Those cold EVM numbers not only captured the future of political alliances but also the hidden layers of the changing psyche of Bihar’s voters—layers that the Grand Alliance perhaps failed to grasp and the NDA quietly read.
When the first trends came in at six in the morning, hope was bubbling in the air at the RJD office. The crowd gathered outside the yellow building seemed convinced that Tejashwi’s hard work would pay off. The echo of his speeches, which spanned towns, cities, and villages, was still fresh in people’s memories. During the Adhikar Yatra, there was a sparkle in people’s eyes—indicating that perhaps this time a new chapter would open. But as the hours passed, this sparkle began to fade into an uneasy, silent fear.
This was the same fear that had been swirling in the election air months earlier—a fear that the NDA had slowly carried to the polling booths. The old, faded phrase of “jungle raj” was once again dusted off and instilled in the minds of voters. Many young people may not even remember that era, but the campaign etched a narrative in their minds—a narrative that if power changed, stability might also be lost. The Bihar voter isn’t afraid of stability, but trembles at instability. The struggle of the grand alliance in this election started from there.
Tejashwi Yadav’s image was that of a young, calm, new-age leader. He maintained a composed demeanor on stage, challenging his opponents but avoiding harsh language. His face exuded the kind of clean, political energy that young people see as a future. But politics isn’t won by mere faces. The machinery behind those faces must be powerful—one that can reach every door, be available on every phone, and be present at every booth from dawn to dusk.
And this was the point where the march of the Grand Alliance was defeated by the invisible grip of the NDA. The Grand Alliance’s top strategists believed that after winning 10 Lok Sabha seats, reaching around 60 in the Assembly shouldn’t be difficult. The electoral calculations, the mood, the meetings—all indicated that the mood was in favor of the opposition.
Journalists traveling through Bihar’s villages after the Lok Sabha elections felt that the public wanted change. There were complaints of unemployment, the pain of inflation, and women feared for their safety. This was a combination that would turn against any government.
But in Bihar, the story is never straightforward. Politics here is like walking a tightrope—the slightest tipping of the balance can cause the entire structure to collapse. The Grand Alliance made a mistake in understanding that balance.
Rahul Gandhi’s “Vote Chori Yatra” created a unique resonance in Bihar. This 1,300-kilometer journey, traversing 25 districts and touching 110 assembly seats, once again showcased the Congress in action. Rahul’s rallies drew crowds, young people chanted slogans, and the number of women attending those rallies also seemed to be on the rise. But the journey failed to create the impact that an electoral wave can.
People listened to Rahul, but they didn’t consider him one of their own. The concern in his voice was genuine, but in politics, even real things only have an impact when they have continuity. Rahul would come, speak, and then leave. In a state like Bihar, where half the impact of an election depends on a “constant presence” with the public, the Congress failed to provide that presence.
Both the RJD and Congress campaigned within their respective constituencies, but their coordination was lacking. Seat-sharing created further rifts. In many areas, Congress got fewer seats than expected, and in others, RJD leaders felt that Congress was increasing their burden by taking weaker seats. This tension spread to grassroots workers, weakening the unity of the common fight.
The NDA, in contrast, maintained perfect restraint. There was no public outcry over seat-sharing, no poster wars, no rebellions—everything was unusually calm. This calm atmosphere signaled “stability” to voters. In many areas, journalists observed people saying, “If there is no conflict within their family, the government will also be stable.” These subtle signals matter greatly in politics.
The Grand Alliance did not understand the seriousness of this signal. Tejashwi Yadav’s every rally drew huge crowds. Young boys ran after his cars, women nodded enthusiastically at his speeches, and the elderly exclaimed, “The boy is fine.” But the problem was that Tejashwi’s speeches remained largely the same at every rally—unemployment, education, health, and promises of development. He spoke clearly on these topics, but never went into detail. The Bihar voter wanted details. He wanted to know how jobs would be created, how teachers would be recruited, and how the health system would improve.
Tejashwi would say all this and then move ahead – this haste irritated the voters. His Adhikar Yatra was impressive in its own right. During the march, people would cheer him on, some women would stand in front of him with children in their arms, and many elderly farmers would try to shake his hand. The march had a “political sensibility.” But the organizational structure that should have converted that sensibility into votes after the march was not strong enough. The internal weakness of the grand alliance clearly came to fore.
In contrast, the BJP’s work at the booth level was highly organized. Their “Panna Pramukh” system ensured their presence in every neighborhood, every hamlet. Who was influencing which family in the elections, which booth was losing Dalit votes, which area was experiencing Rajput discontent, which village was experiencing Yadav discord—the BJP had access to all this information, constantly updated. This machinery is the real weapon for winning elections.
The Grand Alliance had a weak network of this micro-information. An interesting phenomenon is observed in many Indian states: no matter how much crowd the opposition gathers, unless it has booth-level machinery, those crowds don’t translate into votes. Bihar is a prime example of this.
Meanwhile, another factor that severely damaged the Grand Alliance was the behavior of its supporters. Tejashwi spoke in a civilized tone, but many local-level workers, especially younger leaders, began behaving in the same old RJD style. Disrespectful behavior during road shows, threats against opponents, and boastful posts on social media—all of this justified the NDA’s accusation that “if power is gained, jungle raj will return.”
It was an ordinary crowded evening in Delhi with tourists clicking photos, guides narrating history, and the Red Fort glowing under the fading sun. Everything looked normal.
And then, within seconds, a blast echoed through the centuries-old monument, sending shockwaves across the area. One of India’s most protected heritage sites had just been breached. This explosion was not merely an attack; it was a warning. A grim signal that terrorism has evolved, and its roots today run far deeper than they appear on the surface.
When the investigation team began collecting evidence, one thing became clear very quickly:
this was no routine terror strike. The execution, the planning, and the precision, all pointed to a disturbing truth: the mastermind was not a typical militant, but someone polished, educated: a classic “white-collar terrorist.”
While India is witnessing a significant decline in traditional militant recruitment, security agencies are alarmed by a new and far more insidious trend: the rapid rise of white-collar terror networks.
According to fresh intelligence inputs, Jammu & Kashmir has seen only two new recruits this year. In comparison: 2023 saw 17 recruitmens, while 120, 124, and 200 were drafted into militant ranks in 2022, 2021 and 2020, respectively. This drop in armed recruitment offers limited relief. Experts warn that the real threat is now “invisible” and embedded within society itself.
Intelligence sources reveal that terror outfits are now focusing heavily on Over-Ground Workers (OGWs) and sophisticated logistic networks. These white-collar collaborators don’t carry weapons, don’t appear on radars, don’t fit the profile of a militant.
They instead provide information flow, funding routes, safe houses, propaganda machinery.
They live professional lives, blend into society, and operate behind a veil of normalcy making them extremely hard to detect.
In recent months, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and state intelligence units have tightened surveillance on such networks. Suspects include IT professionals, medical practitioners,
social sector workers, business-class operators.
Agencies are now examining their digital footprints, financial transactions, and social connections to pre-empt any major conspiracy.
A senior security official notes that earlier, most suicide attacks involved militants sent from across the border. But current intelligence inputs indicate a disturbing shift: some Indian nationals are now being mentally radicalised and nudged into violent or suicide missions.
The officer calls it “a higher form of brainwashing”, a slow infiltration of the mind through
Agencies also reveal that the explosives used in recent operations do not always originate from domestic sources. Some components are suspected to have been: imported clandestinely, routed through unknown channels, or hidden in different pockets of the country.
This has forced security planners to strengthen not just border surveillance but internal security layers as well.
Officials argue that while the decline in terror recruitment is positive, the rise in educated collaborators and local radicalisation poses a much bigger security challenge.
This requires stronger intelligence integration, tighter police-intelligence coordination,
deep digital monitoring, citizen vigilance, and forensic tracking of supply chains and funding circuits.
As long as over-ground networks, financial backers, and local radicalisation ecosystems remain intact, full security cannot be guaranteed. The role of civil society too has become critical. Citizens must report suspicious activity and help strengthen community vigilance.
Red fort attack was a warning This incident tells us one thing clearly: Security is not built on walls and weapons alone. It is built on the intent of the people who operate the system. After the blast, several officers privately admitted that India’s security is no longer border-centric, it has become network-centric.
If the country fails to understand this shift, the number of gun-wielding militants may fall,
but the network supporting them will become larger, smarter, and far more dangerous.
One can conclude that the battle is no longer fought with guns it is fought with minds. The enemy is no longer waiting at the border. He is hiding in systems, in institutions, in digital corridors, and inside social networks that look harmless on the outside.
To defeat this new enemy, India needs more than the military. It needs an alert society, empowered agencies, deep intelligence coordination, and a vigilant citizenry.
This new face of terrorism is invisible, intelligent, adaptive, and far more powerful than before.
The biggest challenge for India’s security agencies now is to identify the white-collar shadows hiding in this jungle — those who never hold a weapon, but quietly turn the wheel behind every attack.
Title of the Book: Of Pegs, Palaces, and the People
Author : Harshit Narang
Publisher : Saptrishi Publications
Price: Rs. 399
Pages : 256 Pages
Of Pegs, Palaces, and the People is a captivating collection of short stories that draws readers into the heart of Punjab’s rich and often forgotten history. Each tale, rooted in real events, resurrects the lives of legendary emperors, warriors, queens, rebels, and common folk who have left an indelible mark on the region’s past. Harshit Narang, a debut author and seasoned bureaucrat, brings these forgotten figures to life in a way that is both scholarly and evocative.
Released recently in New Delhi, Of Pegs, Palaces, and the People marks Narang’s entrance into the realm of Indian non-fiction. This debut work is not just a historical account but a heartfelt tribute to a version of Punjab that many may be losing touch with—a Punjab filled with stories of royalty, rebellion, tradition, and pride.
Narang’s storytelling prowess shines throughout the book. With a researcher’s meticulous attention to detail and the heart of a storyteller, he revives long-buried chapters of Punjab’s past, many of which are seldom found in textbooks. From the fiery legend of Dulha Bhatti, often hailed as Punjab’s Robin Hood, to the intriguing life of Maharani Prem Kaur, the Spanish queen of Kapurthala, the book paints a vivid picture of a land once bustling with royal power and revolutionary fervor. The quirky legacy of the “Patiala Peg” is also explored, grounding the book in both the grand and the everyday elements of Punjab’s history.
The structure of the book—each chapter standing alone—offers a rich thematic diversity.
The writing itself is crisp, vivid, and deeply rooted in the culture of Punjab. The prose does not lean on dry, academic language; instead, it pulses with life, drawing readers into a world of emotion and texture. History here is not static; it’s a dynamic force, whispering through the pages, sometimes with the intensity of a forgotten secret. However, the book is not without its minor flaws. Some transitions between chapters can feel abrupt, leaving readers to navigate sudden shifts in time and context. In conclusion, Of Pegs, Palaces, and the People is a rich, engaging, and essential read for anyone interested in uncovering the hidden gems of Punjab’s royal and folk history. Harshit Narang’s debut work serves as both a personal tribute to his roots and a broader call to preserve the stories that have shaped a vibrant and fascinating region.
Paid newsorpaid content refers to articles in newspapers, magazines, and electronic media that portray favourable conditions for the institutions that have paid for their publication. Such news resembles advertisements, but without the ad tag. This kind of news has long been considered a serious malpractice, as it deceives citizens by hiding the fact that what appears as news is actually an advertisement. Secondly, the payment modes often violate tax rules and election spending laws. More seriously, it raises electoral concerns because the media directly influences voters. Paid news is considered a form of corruption and is often seen during elections, and is used to unfairly benefit or harm a candidate’s prospects.
Who can forget the Nira Radia tapes controversy? Nira Radia, head of Vaishnavi Communications — a public relations (PR) firm set up in 2001 — counted among her clients some of the country’s biggest corporate houses, with Tata and Reliance being the most prized. Radia was referred to less as a PR professional and more as a lobbyist, involved in liaisoning among corporate houses, journalists, politicians, and bureaucrats. The fallout from the Radia tapes also raised questions about the credibility of some journalists. The most alarming aspect of the tapes was the alleged involvement of journalists in political and corporate deal-making. The reports suggested that some of the country’s top journalists acted as go-betweens for politicians, parties, and corporate houses. This too was a form of paid news.
Since paid news has long ailed Indian society — especially during election season — Tehelka decided to investigate this corruption for the first time in the country. And it did so when the Bihar elections were on, with several other states, including West Bengal, heading for polls next year.
“I have helped three sitting chief ministers get their paid news published. I created their profiles, uploaded them on social media and promoted them — for money. This is simply paid news,” said Vinod Tiwari [name changed], of a leading digital brand.
“I will publish paid advertisement in news form so the Election Commission of India will not be able to identify whether it is paid or organic. This is the best way to deceive the ECI in the paid-news business,” Vinod told Tehelka.
“You tell me which channel you want your candidate’s story on during elections and it will be done. I give this service also — for money,” he added.
“I will do everything: get articles published, along with pictures and videos of the candidates. It will all be paid. Someone will write articles in favour of the contesting candidate. Paid news will appear both in newspapers and on digital platforms — and everything I’m telling you will be paid,” said Rohan Mishra, founding director of Tramt Technology.
“I charge Rs 16,000 for getting one positive story published on top digital platforms in the country. If you want a negative story about your rival candidates, the charge doubles — from Rs 16k to Rs 32k per story,” Rohan told our reporter.
“In the Bihar elections, your paid news will be presented organically to deceive the Election Commission of India. Your item will appear in the top hundred news pieces that run on every channel. It will be presented as news, not advertisement — and it will be paid. The television rate is Rs 35,000 for 15–20 seconds,” Rohan revealed.
“I have been doing paid news for a long time and have never been caught. Paid news is now done through vendors, so it will appear in newspapers in organic form. A reporter will go and do the story, but it will be paid. The rate is around Rs 60–65k per story,” he said.
“All payments for paid news to me will be in cash. If I take any payment through an account, it will not be in my company’s account; it will be routed through some other account,” Rohan added.
The paid news business, says Vinod, has now become more organised — a marketplace run through vendors instead of direct media deals. These vendors act as middlemen between politicians and media outlets, managing everything from content creation to placement.
Vinod, who claims to have worked for three sitting Chief Ministers, explains his role with startling candour. “I create their profiles, upload them on social media, and promote them — all for money. This is simply paid news,” he told Tehelka.
Rohan Mishra, another vendor in the business, echoed Vinod’s words, adding that during elections, demand for such services shoots up. “From local MLAs to big leaders, everyone wants to control the narrative. We make that happen,” he said with a grin.
In the following exchange, Vinod admits he provides end-to-end branding for politicians, including election packages that create and promote candidate profiles. He says he has sold such profiles before and charges for promotion on digital and news platforms. Vinod insists these items are timed and presented so the Election Commission cannot easily spot them as paid.
Vinod- Haan, haan. XXXXXX ki hai, XXXXX ke liye kaam kiya hai.
Reporter- Elections mein paid news.. wo kaise karoge aap?
Vinod- Elections ke liye mere pass poora ek package hai, package ke through mein sari cheezein kar sakta hoon.
Reporter- Dekhiye do cheezein hongi. Ek to Netaji apna profile banake aap ko de denge, wo aapko chalwana hai newspapers mein, akhbaro mein usko publish karwana hai, ek tareeka ye hoga ki Netaji kahenge meri branding karwani hai, team apki hogi; ab aap kaise karenge. Lekin hoga wo election announce hone ke baad hi, to aapko ye dekhna hai ki Election Commission of India ke saamne na pata chal paaye ki ye paid news hai.
Vinod- Wo sab mein kara lunga, wo kahin kisi ki nazron mein nahi aane wala, Election Commission also knows ki yahi time hota hai apne ko pulling karwane ka, ye har jagah hota hai, aisi koi dikkat wali baat nahi hai.
Reporter- To aap kar chuke ho paid news election ke time mein?
Vinod- Haan.
Reporter- Pakka?
Vinod- Haan, maine bataya na election time mein maine in logon ki aisi aisi profile bechi hai, sir.
Vinod- But maine unka profile banaya, usko load bhi kiya, charges bhi liye, also unhone bola mera ye video hai, isko promote kariye; ya mein ye cheez kar raha hoon, aap isko likhwaiye, to wo paid hi to hua, sir.
[The above exchange shows vendors promising fully managed, disguised publicity during polls. It also reveals that paid political publicity is now a packaged, routinised service deliberately disguised to evade regulators. Such practices corrode public information and weaken electoral fairness.]
“How can we dodge the Election Commission of India when it comes to paid news?” In response, Vinod told us he presents paid material as ordinary news — it looks like normal reporting but is paid for, so the ECI will not be able to identify it. In this brief exchange, Vinod reveals how political stories are subtly shaped before reaching the public.
Vinod- Mein XXXXX ke liye kaam karta hoon.
Reporter- Kis type ki stories lag sakti hain?
Vinod- Jaise hamare pass na abhi kuch political stories aa rahi thi, jaise har poltical party ye chahti hai ki mere jo interview hain wo logon tak pahuche, kaise pahuchegi, jab aap us story ko ek news way mein pesh karo. Agar aap seedha seedha bologey to sab log samajh jayenge ki ye paid story hai.
[Vinod’s remarks expose how news packaging can blur the line between information and influence. We learn how political publicity often wears the mask of journalism. It’s a reminder that what appears unbiased may, in truth, be carefully curated.]
Vinod admitted that he is in the business of getting stories published on any news channel in India. He said he has the reach and connections to help people get their stories published on news platforms. He reveals that parties want their interviews to reach people without seeming sponsored. The trick, he says, lies in presenting them in a “news way.”
Vinod- Kehne ka motive ye hai ki mere pass cheezen saari hain, mere pass reach hai, channels hain. Aaap jo kahenge, mere pass wo saari cheezein hain.
Reporter- Channels mein bhi story lag sakti hai?
Vinod- Aap batao kaunsi hai aur kis channel mein lagani hai aapko?
Reporter- Accha, ye bhi services hai aapke pass?
Vinod- Ye bhi hain.
[In this exchange, Vinod opens up about the behind-the-scenes tactics used to make political content appear like real news. His account lays bare how political messaging is often disguised as impartial news. His account reveals how subtle framing can give paid content a perceived credibility.]
Now Vinod revealed how once the deal he had struck for promotion of a BJP candidate fizzled out. According to him, a BJP candidate, a former mayor, contesting the assembly elections had called him and given him the voter ID details and phone numbers of around 1.5 to 2 lakh voters from her constituency. Vinod was supposed to send WhatsApp messages to those voters, asking them to vote for the BJP candidate. He said the deal was fixed at Rs 8 lakh. But soon after, the BJP IT cell came to know about it and cancelled the deal. Vinod added that the deal was called off because everything in the BJP is centralised — even for promotion, candidates cannot hire independent agencies; the party handles all such work itself.
Vinod- Wo XXXXX hain na XXXX mein. To unko chances they ticket milne ke BJP se, jab XXXXX election hua tha.
Reporter- XXXXXX to shayad mayor bhi reh chuki hain?
Vinod- Haan, mayor bhi reh chuki hain. So mein unke touch mein aaya tha to paid promotion ki baat chal rahi thi, to us samay XXXXX channel funding kar raha tha, to unhone mere ko bola mere ko whatsapp campaign karna hai, whatsapp par messages bhejna tha, maine bola ho jayega mere ko de do.
Vinod (continues)- Maine kahan aap mere ko numbers de do. Unhone bola mein apni constituency se jo 1.5 lakh se 2 lakh tak numbers doonga, usmein aapko bhejna hai. Maine bola theek hai, maine unko costing di, sab cheez final ho gayi, but BJP ka kya hai sir ki unka khud ka apna ek poora channel hai; so they said agar aapko koi bhi promotion karni hai to use our internal channels only.
Vinod (continues)- To XXXXX ko pata chala ki ye aise aise whatsapp par promotion karwana chahti hain to unhone us bande ko inse connect karwa diya, to meri deal samajiye aap sign hotey hotey reh gayi.
Reporter- Kitne ki thi deal?
Vinod- Wo meri deal thi 8 lakh ke asspass ki thi.
Reporter- Ek election ki?
Vinod- Haan, sirf whatsapp campaign.
Reporter- XXXXX election mein?
Vinod- Ye sir jo abhi XXXX mein hua hai, isi election mein.
Reporter- To voter ID se hi saare number nikal rahe honge?
Vinod- Unhone kya kiya tha, voter ID ki poori list mere pass aa gayi thi, jiske ander mere ko messages send karne they.
[Here, Vinod outlined how a near-complete deal to run a paid WhatsApp campaign for a candidate who had previously been mayor came a cropper after party machinery took control. However, the truth remains that money and data increasingly shape political reach.]
After Vinod, Tehelka met Rohan Mishra, another paid news vendor and founding director of Tramt Technology. Rohan also told Tehelka’s reporter that he would handle everything — getting articles published along with pictures and videos of the candidates. It would all be paid. According to Rohan, someone would write articles in favour of the candidate contesting elections. Paid news would appear in both newspapers and digital platforms, and everything he mentioned, he said, would be paid.
Reporter- Wo aap kaise karenge; matlab article publish karwayenge?
Reporter- Mein print ki baat kar raha hoon, akhbar ki, digital ki nahi.
Rohan- Mein dono ki baat kar raha hoon, article likhe jayenge, kisi ke through likhe jayenge.
Reporter- Paisa dena padega na usmein?
Rohan- Jo bhi cheez mein bol raha hoon, sab cheeez ke paise hain.
[In this exchange, Rohan lays bare the inner workings of the paid news machinery. From print to digital, every format — articles, photos, and videos — comes with a price tag. The exchange reveals how deep-rooted the monetisation of news has become. Rohan’s claims suggest that nothing moves without payment in the news business.]
Now Rohan disclosed to Tehelka that he charges Rs 16,000 for getting one positive story published on top digital platforms in the country. If we want a negative story published about rival candidates, the charges would double — from Rs 16,000 per story to Rs 32,000 per story, added Rohan. He also admitted that it would take him just an hour to get a story published.
Rohan- Hum article bhi karwate hain.
Reporter-Article publish karwate ho akhbaaron mein?
Rohan- Haan, digital mein bhi karwate hain.
Reporter- Kya rate hai uska?
Rohan- Depend karta hai kaunsa hai. XXXXX ka hum dete hai 16,000 rupee mein, XXXX hai, XXXX news hai, XXXX news hai, XXXX hai, XXXX hai, XXXXX…
Reporter- Sab digital hain ye?
Rohan- Haan.
Reporter- Akhbar nahi hai koi?
Rohan- Akhbar nahi hai, Akhbar ka alag hota hai.
Reporter- Ismein positive story karwate ho ya negative?
Rohan- Mainly to positive, uska (negative ka) double lagta hai, 16 ka 32 hazar
Rohan (continues)- Theek hai, wo double lagega.
Reporter- Negative ka ho jayega?
Rohan- Haan.
Reporter- Ho jayega, par double lagega?
Rohan- Pata hona chahiye na, kya hai story, kiske bare mein hai? 16 ka 32 lagega.
[In this exchange, Rohan spells out the going rates for paid news — Rs 16,000 for a positive story and double for a negative one. The discussion exposes how deeply commercialised digital news has become. What we learn here is that truth has a price — and the higher the stakes, the costlier the spin.]
Now Rohan discussed in detail how paid news operates during the Bihar elections. According to him, our paid news would be presented in an organic way to deceive the Election Commission of India. It would appear among the top hundred news items aired on major TV channels, presented as regular news rather than advertisements — but fully paid for. The rate, Rohan revealed to Tehelka, would be Rs 35,000 for a 15 to 20-second slot.
Reporter- Chunav Aayog ki pakad mein to nahi aa jayenge paid advertisement?
Rohan- Paid ad pakad mein to aata hai… sachhai ye hai, paid ad isiliye log zyada nahi karate, unko lage hi na paid hai.
Reporter Kaise karwaoge phir?
Rohan- Jaise XXXX hai aapka, usmein subah ek news aati hai, first 100 karke ek news aati hai subah, jismein 100 news batate hain 10 min ke ander usmein 15 second ki clip jaati hai, byte jaati hai. Sab lagate hain.
Rohan (continues) – 35K tak hota hai jaise agar mein XXXX ko dunga to wo 35K mein to wo hamara clip laga dega top 100 news mein 15-20 second ka maximum, aur XXXX jahan jahan chalta hai wahan wo chalega. Paid ad mein hum dimension control kar sakte hain lekin jab organic aap chalate ho na, to dimension control nahi kar sakte. Aur doosri baat jo ye fast news chalte hain na ismein koi paid ka system nahi hota, ye hamey directly karna hota hai.
Reporter- Dimension control kar sakte hain.. iska kya matlab?
Rohan- Jaise hum kaam kar rahe hain aur paid news chalate hain hum log, jaise agar hame Bihar mein dikhana hai to Bihar mein hi dikhega but jab organic dikhate ho usmein control nahi ho sakta, ki sirf Bihar mein dikhe, Bihar ke bahar na dikhe. Jaise XXXXX chal raha hai to XXXXX log jahan jahan dekh rahe hain…chahe India mein ya India se bahar, to unko bhi hamara ad dikhega us time par, but organic hoga, aur isme Chunav Aayog kuch nahi kar payegi…ismein kuch nahi hoga na white money jayegi aapki; to 15-20 sec ki byte jayegi har channel par aur har channel ka cost hai 35000 rupees ek din ka.
Reporter – 15 second ki cost hai 35 thousand?
Rohan- Haan. Matlab XXX ka 15-20 sec ka 35 k, XXXX news ka jahan jahan mein chalwana hai.
Reporter- Jo Bihar mein hai?
Rohan- Jaise XXXX ka hai Bihar XXXX, aise bahut sara hai. Ye chunav aayog ke pakad mein nahi aata kyonke ye organic hai, isliye paid ad mein to likha hota hai na properly “sponsored,” yahan likha nahi hota.
[This exchange exposes the calculated methods used to bypass election regulations. What we learn here is how paid news can so easily masquerade as “organic” news — eroding transparency in the democratic process.]
Here, Rohan offers a full peek into the mechanics of the paid news ecosystem — from how payments are disguised through fan clubs to how ads are presented as organic stories. He admitted that he has been in the paid news business for a long time and has never been caught. According to him, paid news is now routed through vendors, ensuring that it appears organic when published in newspapers. The reporter may go and file the story, but it will still be paid — at a rate of around Rs 60,000 to Rs 65,000 per story, said Rohan. He also added that sometimes paid news is carried out through fan clubs, where a candidate’s supporters — who do not come under the Election Commission’s guidelines — run paid content in favour of their candidate through fan pages. After discussing TV, Rohan also revealed to us the paid news rates for newspapers.
Reporter- Aap paid news kara chuke ho pehle?
Rohan- Haan, kara chuke hain, ye kabhi pakad mein nahi aayega, organic wala nahi pakad mein aata, XXXX wala thodi kahega hum paise lekar kaam kar rahe hain.
Rohan (continues) – Hamara jo ad hain na wo fan club se chalta hai.
Reporter- Matlab?
Rohan- Maan lijiye jaise political party ko ban hota hai tab fan club chalta hai, matlab log apna paisa laga rahe hain, na ki candidate apna paisa laga raha hai, isliye hum kabhi candidate ki profile se ad nahi chalate; agar chalate hain to third party se.
Reporter -Matlab fans chalate hain?
Rohan- Haan fans chalate hain – matlab hamko thodi Chunav Aayog mana karega. Hum se question kar bhi le Chunav Ayog, hum kahenge hamara candidate jeete, aur chunav ke daayre mein hum aate hi nahi kisi tareeke se.
Reporter -Agle saal aur states mein bhi chunav hain, wahan bhi ho jayega paid news?
Rohan- Haan paid news sab jagah ho jayega sabka system ek hi hai, chahe hum chalaye ya koi aur vendor – system ek hi hoga.
Reporter- Aapka approach channel aur newspaper mein direct hai ya vendor ke through?
Rohan- Hamara khud ka portal hai, hamne vendorship le rakhi hai sab se hamne; paper mein le rakhi hai, digital mein le rakhi hai, TV mein hai, saath mein billboard mein bhi.
Reporter- Jo sadkon mein billboard lagte hain?
Rohan- Haan, but wo mera Delhi-NCR tak hi hai..billboard ka.
Reporter- Aap jo kaam kar rahe ho, through vendor ke kar rahe ho?
Rohan- Matlab mein sab vendor hoon maan lijiye aap.
Reporter- Ye 35 thousand jo channel ka hai ismein sab inclusive hai, aapka bhi?
Rohan- Do tareeke hain; ek to hamne ad laga liya, doosra editor jo likhta hai. Ya reporter jata hai aur likhta hai wo organic hota hai to wo Chunav Ayog ki nahi pakad mein aata hai. Agar aap akhbar mein bada ad dikhate ho, to uska bill dena padta hai ki aapne lagaya tha paisa.
Reporter- Aap kaise karwaoge?
Rohan- Dekho mein kahunga 19-20 wala karte hain kuch ad bhi lagate hain uske saath kisi editor ke saath, matlab press walon se karwayenge. Jaise XXXX hai, XXXX hai, inke reporter aapke baare lekh likhenge aur aapka picture laga denge, ki mein gaya, dekha aur likha, jab ki banda khud likh raha hai wo uski responsibility hai jo likh raha hai
Reporter- Uska kya charge hoga?
Rohan- Wo depend karta hai kaunsa paper hai, kitna charge lagega. Matlab maan lijiye 70 se 1.5 lakh tak jata hai.
Reporter -Ek article ka?
Rohan- Bada sa page par jayega, uska aadha page ka hoga.
Reporter- XXXXX bada akhbar hai Bihar ka?
Rohan- Uska alag hoga, XXXX ka alag hoga, kam se kam 65-70K jayega half page ka, ye mein organic bata raha hoon, ad ka to aur zyada jayega. Wo to 3-3.5 lakh hai, aadhe page ka kyunki wo properly dikhta hai uspar likha hota hai “sponsored”.
[Rohan describes how vendors like him manage placements across newspapers, TV, digital, and even billboards, ensuring that nothing appears “sponsored” to evade the Election Commission’s scrutiny. What emerges is a system perfected to blur the line between journalism and propaganda.]
Rohan told us that all payments for paid news would be made in cash, without any bill or GST. He added that if any payment is made through a bank account, it would not go to his company’s account but to another account. Rohan further said that his paid news services would also be available during next year’s Assembly elections in West Bengal, Assam, and other states.
Reporter – Ismein payment advance hoga?
Rohan – Payment advance hoga aur uske saath saath aapko mere kisi account mein transfer karna hoga, mein bataunga aapko payment ka. Company mein nahi jayega.
Reporter – Matlab?
Rohan-Matlab iska koi GST bill nahi milega, mera ye matlab hai.
Reporter -Bill nahi milega na?
Rohan-Haan bill nahi milega.
Reporter- Matlab aap cash payment loge na?
Rohan-Haan cash lenge ya jis bhi account mein lena hoga mujhe to account mein jismein bolunga usmein karenge. Maximum cash rahega jitna zyada cash de payenge utna accha rahega. Aapke liye bhi behtar hai aur hamare liye bhi behtar hai.
Reporter- Matlab saare elections mein ye ho jayegi paid news.
Rohan-Haan koi bhi ho, yehi chal bhi raha hai. Hum dekh rahe hain Bihar mein bahut chal raha hai.
[In this exchange, Rohan openly lays bare the cash-driven nature of the paid news business. He insists that payments must be made in advance—preferably in cash and without bills or GST—so that no official trail is left. He also admits that such practices are widespread during elections, including in Bihar. What emerges here is a deliberate attempt to keep the paid news machinery off the books]
Now, Rohan revealed how he is helping an Indian, working as an Artificial Intelligence scientist in California, USA, to obtain permanent residency (PR) by getting positive paid news published in the Indian media. He explains how positive stories—crafted and paid for—are strategically placed across platforms to enhance the client’s reputation.
Reporter- Artificial intelligence, India ka banda hai.
Rohan- India ka hai.
Reporter- India main kaha se?
Rohan- Noida.
Reporter- To ye isliye positive story chapwa rahe hain, taki inka PR ho jaye?
Rohan- Haan positive banana hai.
Reporter- To wahan tak jaati hain khabrein?
Rohan- Dheere-dheere laga detey hain na, jaise XXXX hai, sab mein aayegi
[This shows how the paid news network transcends elections and borders, shaping public perception for personal gain. The paid promotion thus even extends to arranging awards for credibility.]
In the ensuing exchange, Rohan explains how he creates favourable media coverage to help people secure government awards. He revealed that he is helping a boy secure the Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar, India’s highest civilian honour for children, by getting his positive paid news published in the Indian media. The awards are conferred by the President of India in January.
Rohan- Aapne Bal Puraskar Award suna hai aapne?
Reporter- Baal Puraskaar?
Rohan- PM dete hain ye.
Reporter- Kaun detey hain?
Rohan- Pradhan Mantri, PM dete hain… PM ya president.
Reporter- 26 January ko?
Rohan-Haan.
Reporter- Wo to nahi hai jo bahaduri wale award miltey hai bacchon ko?
Rohan- Bacchon ko..haan..social work ke liye milta hai.
Reporter- Gallantary award?
Rohan- To is bacchey ne apply kiya hua tha award ke liye to iski positive news banaya tha.
Reporter- Accha bacche ka kya naam hai?
Rohan- XXXX.
Reporter- Ye chah raha hai mujhe gallantary award mil jaaye?
Rohan- Ye nahi, iski maa, isko pata nahi kuch, iski mother kar rahi hai sab.
Reporter- Isne koi gallantary wala kaam kiya hai?
Rohan- Haan isne ek software bana rakha hai bacchon ko padhane ke liye, smart gadget.
Reporter- Bacchey ne?
Rohan- Haan to isko hum promote kar rahe hain, iska website bhi hai.
[This shows how even prestigious national honours can be influenced through orchestrated publicity. It reveals how paid media narratives are used to shape public perception for personal gain.]
Action on paid news in India involves the Election Commission of India (ECI), which investigates and adds its cost to a candidate’s expenditure, and the Press Council of India (PCI) for print media, which can censure media houses. Proposed legislative action includes making paid news an electoral offence under the Representation of the People Act, 1951, though this is still pending government approval.
After Vinod and Rohan, we met Deepak Singh [name changed] , another vendor dealing in paid news. He also assured us that he could get our story published on any digital news platform in the country. At the time of writing this story, Deepak sent Tehelka a rate list of several pan-India media houses that publish stories for money. According to him, some media outlets label such content as ‘sponsored’, while others do not.
Rohan Mishra also shared with Tehelka a rate card of media houses where paid news can be published. His list is extensive, but some excerpts are given below:
A leading news channel – 1-to-1 studio interview in Delhi-NCR: Rs 75,000 [23 million subscribers]
A prominent news channel – 1-to-1 studio interview in Delhi-NCR: Rs 75,000 [48 million subscribers]
A major broadcast platform– 1-to-1 studio interview in Delhi-NCR: Rs 90,000 [43 million subscribers]
These interviews, lasting 30–40 minutes, are aired on the digital platforms of the respective channels. Apart from television, Tehelka is also in possession of a rate list of several pan-India newspapers and news agencies involved in paid news. The findings lay bare how commerce has quietly infiltrated journalism — where political influence, personal ambition, and profit intersect to distort the very idea of a free press.
