[box]
Kripa Joshi on Art
Amruta Patil, India’s first published female graphic novelist brings us her second novel Adi Parva, an impressive 250-plus pages! The book is “via” Amruta rather than “by” her because it is just the latest incarnation of the Mahabharata. The book is illustrated with a mixture of drawings, paintings, collage and mixed-media. While the sections with the storyteller are in black-and-white, the stories she weaves are in brilliant colour. There is a story within a story kind of feel to the book. It is a fascinating read, whether you are being reintroduced to the stories or discovering them for the first time.
Joshi is the creator of the Miss Moti comics
[/box]
Shiv Ramdas on Books
The Earthsea series by Ursula Le Guin is one of the most genre-defining pieces of literature ever written, so much so that many of the most popular aspects of some of the biggest contemporary bestsellers are devices that Le Guin first created. The Academy of Magic at Roke for one, or the concept of true names and magic being based on the inherent meanings of words- it was Le Guin who first came up with all of it- for Earthsea. And then there’s the story and the style, both of which are sublime. All in all, this is a must-read for any fan of speculative fiction.
Ramdas is the author of Domechild
[box]
Nischay Parekh on Music
Alan Hampton is a wonderful multi-dimensional musician. He can be found playing bass with the likes of Robert Glasper and Gretchen Parlato when he’s not writing and recording some of the best pop music of this generation. His album The Moving Sidewalk is a modern classic. Also, Luke Temple is one of my favourite living songwriters. His lyrics and music work harmoniously together to create magic.
Parekh is a singer and songwriter based in Kolkata
[/box]
Ankur Kapoor on Film
Perfect Sense is the story of a chef and a scientist as they witness the end of the world, strangers who form a desperate romantic connection in the face of an apocalyptic epidemic that robs people of their sensory perceptions. Directed by David Mackenzie, the film is one of the most crafty but underrated master pieces produced in the last decade. Eva Green and Evan McGregor are perfectly cast and the score by Max Richter is spectacular. If you appreciate films like Children of Men, this is the film you would definitely want to watch.
Kapoor is a Delhi-based filmmaker and visual artist
[box]
Reeta Skeeter on Food
Diva Kitsch offers an unusual view of Delhi, with glass panes overlooking the Defence Colony flyover. The bouquets of decorative flowers on the stairs lead you to the dining space decorated with eclectic curios. Pick from a carefully selected array of innovative takes on pan-Asian fare, conceived by celebrity chef Ritu Dalmia. Begin with Vietnamese rolls served with nahm jim. For the mains order young jackfruit curry with fresh red chilli served with rice noodles or the roti bawang. Their udon noodles in a mushroom broth redefine comfort food. The excellent service is the cherry on top.
Skeeter is a food blogger based in Delhi
[/box]
Mastertakes
‘A dialogue not in full English, is no longer wrong but more colourful’

Is there one incident that triggered or informed your writing?
Most other writers had childhood aspirations to be writers. I did not. I quit a dead-end job, travelled and having nothing else to do, started writing. In New York, one day, I picked up a Nepali newspaper and saw how difficult it was for me to read the language. Nepali was slithering into the background for me and I had to do something about it. Writing came from a desperation to do something with my life.
Writing about Nepali diaspora, how do you and your characters negotiate identity?
I grew up in a belt that has always been vocal about a demand for it’s Indian identity. Much of the Gorkhaland movement is in my new novel. Growing up, I’ve tried putting my Nepali roots over my Indian roots, and vice versa. Nepali speaking Indians have to stress on their Indian nationality when they mention ethnicity. But I’ve come to see many of these conundrums as self created. I don’t know if that’s an easy solution. I’ll be glib here, but I don’t write to tell the world about issues that my people are grappling with. I write fiction to tell stories. Once the book is released it ceases to be mine. So, it is perfectly okay for people to have their own perceptions.
What role does language play?
My characters speak Nepali and I think in English. The writing process is fraught with translation. It’s tricky, but we have grown up reading South Asian writers who made the path somewhat easier. A dialogue not in full English is not wrong, but more colourful. It talks about the difference in culture. I’m asked why I used so many Nepali words in my short stories. I want to be unapologetic about Nepali. It’s a beautiful language that employs onomatopoeia better than any other.
How do you deal with ‘mainland-India-syndrome’?
Every story of mine has a map, showing exactly where the plot unfolds in India. This is to inform not just foreigners, but also ‘mainland’ Indians about these places, whose inhabitants are also Indians.
Could your writing get lost in an existing glut of South Asian fiction?
I don’t think so. A good story that resonates with some editor will get published. Did my book get picked partly because it’s about an esoteric part of the world? Probably. But would that have happened if I wrote crap? Perhaps not.
Wake up and smell the coffee
[cycloneslider id=”for-manmohans-dream-team-ignorance-is-bliss-2″]
For my fellow conferees I may well have been from another planet when I began to speak. Some 30 of us had collected in Beirut last week from around the world, from as far away as Chile, Scotland, South Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia and, of course, the Arab nations nearby. Deeply committed social and political activists with a track record of working internationally to “free Palestine from Israeli occupation”, as the activist-speak on the issue echoes globally, they had gathered to chalk out the future course of a consolidated solidarity movement for the Palestinians’ long-drawn struggle to have a country of their own in the land of their birth in the Levant.
After several participants had dwelt on the familiar suggestions of strengthening an ongoing BDS campaign (to force boycotts of Israeli goods, divestments in Israeli companies and sanctions against all things Israeli) and of taking out yet more aid convoys to Gaza, the besieged western chip of the Palestinian homeland that the US and Israel force to stay cut off from the rest of the world, I gingerly set about suggesting that we bring India into the picture.
After all, India is now one of the US’ closest non-NATO non-traditional allies. Since forging diplomatic ties with Israel in 1991, India has also emerged as one of the strongest trade and security partners of the Jewish country, buying half of Tel Aviv’s defence exports for $9 billion in a decade. What is the point of campaigning in Europe where governments cannot but toe the Washington line? Why not instead raise a stink in India over the Israeli and US duplicity on Palestine? Indeed, New Delhi once led the global solidarity for Palestine. Why not revive that?
But I could well have been speaking Mandarin. For who has ever heard of India influencing anyone on anything globally, least of all of speaking truth to Washington? Did I seriously believe that the Indian government would be persuaded to not copy-paste the American agenda for West Asia in the column titled ‘Indian foreign policy’? Their disillusion with India was disheartening, yet entirely understandable. In over two decades since the Soviet Union’s fall, New Delhi has inexplicably dumbed down its foreign policy to being no more than a camp follower of the US, displaying little talent for an elegant and nuanced navigation of the international waters.
India’s irrelevance came into starkest display on 24 November when the world’s five biggest powers who are the UN Security Council’s only permanent members — the US, Russia, China, the UK and France — and Germany clinched a historic deal with Iran in Geneva aiming to resolve Tehran’s contentious bid to enrich uranium to harness nuclear power. That the US and Iran could be on their way to detente after 34 years of extreme hostility cannot be overstated. If indeed a more durable agreement emerges from this temporary six-month deal, the new dynamics would dramatically reshape politics in West Asia as well as South Asia, deeply affecting India.
Ironically, the easing of tensions between the US and Iran comes eight years after India began to burn its bridges with Tehran under American-Israeli pressure. Iran’s leadership was stunned, to say the least, in 2005 when India voted in the International Atomic Energy Agency, the world’s nuclear watchdog, to censure Tehran for enriching uranium in a bid to harness nuclear power. Apart from being a display of abject spinelessness, that unforgivable move was also a negation of India’s own commercial (read oil) and geopolitical interests in the conflict-wracked region.
Of course, the Iranians saw it as a betrayal. Old-timers may recall another vote of two decades ago when, at the insistence of Pakistan, an exclusive club of Muslim nations was about to demand that the status of Jammu & Kashmir was a global dispute and should be resolved internationally. The vote nearly went through. Except that Iran, which had excellent relations with India at the time, put out a foot to block the door from slamming shut on India. In the 1990s, India and Iran, Pakistan’s respective neighbours on its east and west, collaboratively backed a clutch of non-Pashtun fighters in Afghanistan’s north, helping them battle the Pakistan-backed Taliban for years before they lost Kabul in 1996. That would be the last India and Iran would team up for anything significant.
The wheel had turned a circle by 2010 when Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, publicly clubbed Jammu & Kashmir with Palestine, saying both were occupied territories that needed to be liberated. An irritated New Delhi summoned an Iranian diplomat and complained that the statements amounted to Iran meddling in India’s internal affairs. For much of the new century, Iran and India have followed different trajectories in their foreign relations. While New Delhi moved towards the US and away from Iran as well as its former traditional allies such as Russia (the successor State to the Soviet Union), Iran firmed up its relations with Russia and China.
It so happens that, to India’s dismay, Russia and China are ascendant in diplomatic heft while military misadventures in Iraq and Afghanistan and the financial crisis of 2008 have humbled the US, making it far less of a champion ally. What must panic Indian foreign policy mandarins is the unflappable ease with which US President Barack Obama, a self-confessed pragmatist not hemmed by ideology, ignored protests from Saudi Arabia and Israel, two of America’s closest allies who have a pathological hatred for Iran, to join with rivals Russia and China to ink the Iran deal.
It is puzzling that India did not see Obama’s push for normal relations with Iran coming at this juncture. After all, the US president had rather early in his first term explicitly extended an olive branch to Tehran. Once a moderate liberal, Hassan Rouhani, won Iran’s presidency this year replacing the outgoing hardline president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Obama was bound to set the wheels in motion. Although these are early days, there can be no doubt that in his remaining three years as president, Obama will seek to further normalise relations with Iran for a number of reasons.
A key compulsion for America is the need to secure peace in Afghanistan from where the US-led military forces will exit next year. Although the westerners have spent billions in training locals as soldiers and police, their competence is far from what would be required to push back any forward thrust by the still potent Afghan Taliban, who are holed out in their sanctuaries along both sides of the AfPak border and continue to receive covert support from Pakistan. As is widely known, Islamabad uses the Afghan Taliban as its insurance policy to create “strategic depth” on its west so it can focus on its border dispute with India on its east.
For internecine violence in Afghanistan to return to anywhere near the levels of the early parts of the past decade would be a huge setback for the US, which wants to ease off on its security concerns in order to focus on rebuilding its economy. Meanwhile, relations between Washington and Islamabad have never been worse in the six-and- a-half decades of Pakistan’s existence than they are today, and the US hardly expects Pakistan to deliver it the peace it wants. And in Afghanistan, a presidential poll in April is already causing jitters all around as there is no clarity on who would succeed the outgoing president Hamid Karzai, and what his politics would be.
Enter Iran. As is being already recognised, any likely entente between the US and Iran at this junction would have an enormous impact on the situation in Afghanistan. Iran is no more keen than Washington to see Islamabad regain the stranglehold it held over Kabul until the Taliban’s ouster from Afghanistan in 2001. Russia and China, which have significantly better working relations with Iran than India has, have boosted their standing in the region by working closely with the US in securing the 24 November deal with Iran. Given that Iran still nurses a sense of betrayal from India, it is unlikely that India would find a prominent place in a scenario that might emerge.
Any hopes that the US might consider a significant role for India in Afghanistan would certainly be misplaced. If Washington gives Israel and Saudi Arabia no quarter, just what can be India’s chances? And while India has allowed a perception to take hold that it is a minion to the US, Iran has held out for over three decades and is now sitting down with the world’s six biggest powers to strike a deal of its own.
India can hardly hope for any help from Israel to find a seat at this table. Israeli leaders are scrambling to figure out its next step, for the latest situation is unprecedented in US-Israeli relations. Before long, and despite its growls, Israel is expected to fall in line. As for Saudi Arabia, the faultlines between the oil kingdom and Iran are multi-layered, not the least of which is the Sunni-Shia divide that has always plagued the Muslim ummah. But as far as India is concerned, it has no more traction with Saudi Arabia than it has with Iran.
In fact, India’s woes in the Sunni Arab world are compounded by its failure to adequately respond to the Arab Spring that spread in the region from January 2011. I remember spending several hours over days at the Indian embassy in Cairo in February 2011, where top diplomats were convinced that the dictator Hosni Mubarak would eventually beat back the tens of millions of protesters and continue to rule Arab world’s most populous nation as he had done for over three decades until then. My feedback from Tahrir Square, where the uprising was centred, did little to convince them of another possibility. But in days, Mubarak was ousted.
India’s position on the Arab Spring has only gone worse since. The recent upheavals in Egypt where Mohammad Morsi was ousted in a coup and jailed was met with a stony silence from New Delhi. The army’s violent campaign against the pan-Arab Islamist group, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), from which Morsi hails, has angered the Sunni world enormously. But loathe to turn away the anti-MB dictator regimes in most Arab States, New Delhi has continued to practise silence. This stance has won India few friends among Sunnis.
Yet another highly contentious issue on which India has only made murmurs when it could and should have spoken loudly to seize the initiative is the terrible civil war that has raged in Syria for two years. That conflict is now the crucible of the Sunni- Shia conflict, where followers of both sects across the world simply refuse to believe that the other is not the main culprit and perpetrator of violence. In the Beirut conference I attended, this sectarian divide seemed to be the greatest threat to the chances of a consensus. Eventually, a consensus did not emerge.
Finally, the issue of Pakistan. A handshake and a hug between the US and Iran would no doubt make life more difficult for Islamabad, which would be unnerved by the prospects of ceding space to the Iranians in Afghanistan. After making statements conciliatory towards India, Pakistan pm Nawaz Sharif went on the offensive this week, suggesting India and Pakistan could go to war yet again if the dispute over Jammu & Kashmir wasn’t resolved. That, of course, is posturing for consumption by the domestic political constituency in Pakistan. But it also underlines the anxiety that the latest Iran deal is causing in that country. Having appointed a new army chief just last week, Sharif can hardly be seen to be making life easy for India vis-à-vis Afghanistan.
But Islamabad has a card that puts it ahead of India. And that card is China. Precisely to box in India, China has deliberately courted Pakistan for long and the two have worked out a mutually beneficial partnership to outwit India in South Asia. It was indeed this growing relationship that had in large part spurred India in the first place to cross the oceans and build a big umbrella relationship with the US as a counterpoint to China in this region.
But now, the US has revealed its preoccupation with itself, which has little room to include any concern for India. There are few voices to be heard in India’s favour in West Asia as hardly any recognise India as a trustworthy friend. Russia and China are both at a high table where India has not been invited and won’t be, not on par anyway.
And yet, there I was in Beirut, trying to convince people that India could make a difference on a key issue in West Asia. No wonder no one was buying it.
ajit@tehelka.com
City of the Mughals

“India has always had a strange way with her conquerors. In defeat, she beckons them in, then slowly seduces, assimilates and transforms them,” wrote William Dalrymple of the Mughals in his book White Mughals. Legendary emperors, mighty conquerors and military strategists, the Mughals have been the subject of many fables, but it is their indelible mark on art and culture that continues to resonate. In an exhibition The Mughals: Life, Art and Culture at the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA), Bahadur Shah Zafar’s marriage contract, Aurangzeb’s recipe book, poetry on the care and the advantages of breeding pigeons are just some of the treasures. Every Mughal emperor, the great ones as well as those who lived through the dynasty’s decline, was a patron of the arts. And Delhi, where the architecture, the cuisine and the culture bear the influence of the Mughal dynasty, is just the city to host the exhibition.
A facsimile of the original exhibition at the British Library, London, this show, a collective effort by the IGNCA and Roli Books, to celebrate their 35 years in publishing, puts technology to good use in order to show the Indian audience rare pieces of Mughal history in the British Library’s impossibly vast collection. The works were scanned and high quality prints were set up at the IGNCA , making the exhibition possible without the prohibitive costs and the potential danger to original artefacts while being brought to India. “What inspired me was the fact that people of Delhi will never, otherwise, get to see these works — extraordinary records of the Mughal era,” says Pramod Kapoor, head of Roli Books. He clarifies that the works may not be original, but that is not any cause for disappointment. “I would understand disappointment if we were showing reproductions of Picasso’s works. But these surrogates, in curator John Falconer’s words, are very faithful to the original,” says Kapoor.

This exercise by the British Library and Roli Books, of excavating through boxes and stacks and shelves of archival material is not just for mounting another art show, but for making history accessible to everybody and not just scholars.
Right at the entrance of the exhibition, the Mughal kings loom; in turn benign, fierce, but always decked out in royal splendour. Sharing space on the white walls of the IGNCA are reproductions of art from the Baburnama, the Akbarnama, intricate pages of the Quran in Persian, translations of Hindu epics and Upanishads into Persian. Through calligraphy and text, religious documents, maps and manuscripts, evidences of stories heard and history studied in school come into being — of the great Mughal emperors’ interest in other religions, the importance they gave to Hindu texts, and to images of Christ and Madonna, of their assimilation with the Rajputs, of the Englishmen adapting to the Mughal court, and of the attraction this court held for artists and poets who came in droves.
Persian being a language inaccessible to the average visitor, it does feel as if much of the show is lost if one is not already well versed with the anecdotes of the emperors and their lives. The accompanying labels do not give stories of what happened at battles or in court. However, to a receptive viewer, the images and the few lines describing them can trigger enough curiosity to find out more. Either the maps that come without scale or direction or translation will serve to further the unfamiliarity, or, the stunning panorama of the Delhi that once stretched from the Red Fort will place the viewer suddenly in the middle of history and closer to the city.
The exhibition will be on display at the IGNCA till 31 December
aradhna@tehelka.com













Why Kejriwal could be the Delhi CM
The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has shown political finesse in stating right at the outset that it would sit in the opposition in the 70-seat Delhi Assembly because its final tally of 28 seats is short of a simple majority. But in his heart of hearts, AAP chief, Arvind Kejriwal, surely knows that the final scene of these elections is still to be played out.
Of Delhi Assembly’s 70 seats, the BJP has won 31 and its ally, the Akali Dal, one. Even if the two singlets — one an independent and the other of the Janata Dal (United) — were to cosy up to the BJP, that coalition would still not reach the halfway mark of 36.
So whenever a trust vote is called, the AAP will clearly vote against a BJP-led government on the floor of the house. To evade the ignominy of a defeat in that trust vote the BJP would need the Congress party’s rump of eight MLAs to either abstain from voting (which would be unlikely given that the Congress would dare not prop up a BJP government), or create a ruckus before the vote and walk out.
But, of course, the BJP can be sure of neither. And nothing would please the Congress more than to see a ten-day BJP government voted out. Even the BJP would not want that less than six months before a General Election which it hopes to win largely on the braggadocio of its putative prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, who fashions himself as an unstoppable Alexander.
If the BJP indeed forms the government, and if it crumbles right away, as it most likely would, then Delhi’s Lieutenant Governor, Najeeb Jung, would have no option but to invite Kejriwal whose AAP has the second-highest number of seats in the assembly at 28. At which point, it would make sense for Kejriwal to go ahead and form the government.
Of course, it would be a minority government. But why would he care? The AAP’s refrain is that it has entered politics not to gain power but strictly to keep politics honest and people-oriented. As CM, Kejriwal and his ministers would run an aggressive administration sending the corrupt to the cleaners. And there would be total media attention on them, thus ensuring that their every such action is magnified in public imagination.
So any time the Congress and the BJP pull down its government, the AAP would claim that it is being targeted for cleaning up the system from within, and thus become an instant martyr in the cause of probity and integrity in public life. Neither the BJP nor the Congress would dare to bring down Kejriwal’s government, at least not in the short run.
For the Congress, especially, it would suit much better to see AAP rather than the BJP form the government in Delhi in view of the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Having unambiguously lost Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh in three of the most humiliating defeats it has ever faced, the Congress would be desperate to stall the BJP and Modi anywhere it can. Not that it has much political currency left to pull off anything.
Right now, though, it might be difficult for the BJP to reach even 34 seats, since the JD(U) is unlikely to align its lone MLA with Modi’s BJP just seven months after they parted ways in Bihar. Bihar CM Nitish Kumar’s entire political strategy since June has been built on painting Modi’s BJP as divisive and communal. Whatever he may have gained with the minorities in his state by projecting himself as anti-Modi would go out the window if he aligns with a BJP government in Delhi.
Of course, the JD(U) MLA could himself chuck his party and cross to the BJP. But just imagine, how would that unprincipled politics look on the CV of Modi, a man touting himself as an honest politician set on cleaning up Indian politics? For the same reason, BJP would be loathe to split the Congress or the AAP in order to gain a simple majority.