President Ram Nath Kovind Visits Siachen Base Camp

President kovind tehelkaThe President of India, Shri Ram Nath Kovind, visited Siachen Base Camp on 10th May 2018 and addressed the soldiers posted there. He also visited the Kumar Post. President Kovind is the second President of India to visit Siachen. The previous visit was undertaken by President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam in April 2004. This makes President Kovind the first President to travel to Siachen in 14 years.

Addressing the soldiers, President Kovind said that “as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and as the President of India, he has come among them carrying the gratitude of the entire country.” The President noted that Siachen is the world’s highest battlefield and it is difficult to live even a normal life in the extreme climate. In such a situation, it is extraordinary for soldiers to stay in a state of constant mobilisation and combat readiness. Their determination and dedication is worthy of the highest praise – and their allegiance to the defence of India is an ideal for all our fellow citizens.

The bravery and valour of soldiers deployed in Siachen over the past 34 years, the President said, has given every Indian the confidence that our borders are safe and secure. The President said he had come to Siachen to iterate to the troops posted here that all citizens of India and the Government of India were always with them and supportive of their families.

The President also paid his respects at the Siachen War Memorial, which is a symbol of the sacrifice of 11,000 soldiers and officers who have been martyred since the Indian Army began Operation Meghdoot on the Siachen Glacier on April 13, 1984.

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PM Modi on 2-day Nepal visit

1526013865-2429Prime Minister Narendra Modi has arrived at Nepal’s Janakpur airport on a two-day visit at the invitation of his counterpart K P Sharma Oli.

“Visit reflects the high priority India attaches to friendly relations with Nepal,” Modi tweeted ahead of the visit.

“As Nepal enters a new era of consolidating the gains of a democracy and achieving economic growth, India remains a steadfast partner of the Nepal government to implement their vision of ‘Samriddha Nepal, Sukhi Nepali’ (prosperous Nepal, happy Nepal),” the PM tweeted.

This Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third visit to the neighouring country and the first one after the formation of the new government in Nepal.

While focussing on implementing key India-assisted projects and building mutual trust, PM Modi will reportedly hold talks with Nepal’s top leadership during his two-day visit.

In the afternoon, the Prime Minister will fly to the capital, Kathmandu, where he will be given a guard of honour by the Nepal Army.

Rahul Gandhi attacks PM Modi for not holding ‘press conference in four years’

Congress president Rahul Gandhi who met reporters on Thursday in Bengaluru, took a jibe at Prime Minister Narendra Modi for not addressing any press conference in the last four years.

Taking to Twitter, Rahul said, “Enjoyed meeting the regional and national press today in Bengaluru. We had a packed house! I’m sorry not everyone got a chance to ask a question due to the paucity of time.”
“But, unlike our PM who hasn’t had a press conference in 4 years, I will be doing many more of these!”, he added.rg tweet

During his interaction with the media, Rahul also questioned the PM Modi’s silence on atrocities against the Dalits. He said, “Dalits are being killed, beaten up and oppressed in our country. Rohith Vemula gets killed when he stands up for education and PM Modi doesn’t even say a word. I am happy that I at least raise the issue. Why doesn’t PM Modi raise this issue? Congress will defend the rights of Dalits.”

 When asked about politicising the crime against women across the country, the Congress chief attacked Modi for “discussing bullet trains” but not “fundamental issues”. “Rapes are a political issue. Are you trying to say that politicians should remain silent while the women of this country are raped?” he said.

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How far trying to outreach J&K militants will succeed?

On the night of March 31, J&K Police received information about the presence of the two militants at Dialgam in South Kashmir. The house in which they were holed up was immediately cordoned off. But before the security forces could engage the militants in an encounter which inevitably leads to their death, they tried to persuade them to surrender. They succeeded with one, who walked out with his arms and gave himself up. But another, Rouf Khanday stayed back.

Senior Superintendent of Police, Anantnag Altaf Ahmad Khan soon brought his parents who lived seven kilometres away to reason with him. Parents went inside the house but after half an hour they came out disappointed. Khanday had refused to surrender. Thereafter Khan too tried to talk him out of his intransigence but to no avail. An hour later Khanday was killed and body handed over to the parents.allll (9)

The story has since become a part of the militancy folklore of the Valley. And also an advertisement for the new security strategy to tackle the growing militancy in the state. But not quite. On the day, Rouf was killed, twelve other militants, four civilians and three security personnel also lost their lives in two simultaneous encounters in the neighbouring district of Shopian. And there was no effort to persuade them to surrender, most likely because a large number of militants were present at the same place.

But the J&K DGP SP Vaid duly mentioned in an interview later the Khan’s efforts to ensure surrender of one militant at Dialgam and the unsuccessful attempt to persuade another to do the same. “No other country in the world will do it, give militant a chance to surrender once he is tracked down and cordoned off,” Vaid told a press conference.

However, this was not the first time that the security forces have brought the parents to secure the surrender of the trapped militants — albeit all of them have proved unsuccessful. In 2017 Lashkar-i-Toiba militant Mohammad Shafi Sher Gujri had refused to give up arms despite the desperate pleas of his wife who was brought to a village in Pulwama along with their one-year-old child.

And in 2016 only, an aged, frail father failed to persuade his son Showkat Ahmad, a militant, to surrender in similar circumstances. He was brought to the encounter site and despite his entreaties on a megaphone lasting several minutes, there was no response from the son. Also, in case of Dujana, a Pakistani militant, who was contacted by an Army officer immediately before the encounter with an offer to surrender, too failed to do so.

But this hasn’t dissuaded the security agencies to continue with the policy. Sources in the police say they are going to double down on the effort to try and secure the surrender of more militants as they see it more demoralizing for the militancy than killing them.

“Every funeral of a militant attracts thousands of mourners. This usually inspires more local youth to join militancy,” said a police officer. “But a surrender will certainly be a dampener. And in the process we also help save a local boy”.
But the surrender offer is largely exclusive to the local youth. According to the strategy, there will be discrimination in favour of the local militants: While there will be no mercy for the foreign militants who will be tracked down and killed, security agencies will make a conscious effort to persuade local militants to drop arms by engaging them either directly or through their families.

Success, however, has been modest so far. Except for the one militant who surrendered at Dialgam on April 1, no militant has given up arms when traced to his hide-out. But the security agencies have met with a reasonable success when it comes to reaching out to the militants on the run. According to an estimate, few scores of the militants have returned to their families after the appeal by their parents, either covertly or on social media. One such high profile case was that of footballer turned militant Majid Khan, who returned home on his mother’s appeal a week after joining Lashkar-i-Toiba in November last.

To further facilitate the “homecoming of militants”, J&K Police have even removed the need for them to report to police should they wish to do so. This has made new surrender policy too tempting to be easily resisted. But the reality remains that such surrenders have done little to setback the militancy. On the contrary, militancy has only shown signs of getting stronger by the day, replenished by the local recruitment and the infiltration. In 2017 alone, security forces killed 218 out of 282 militants — highest number in last seven years — but by the beginning of 2018, there were still 230 militants left. Around 117 local youth had taken up the gun last year. And in the past three months, around 30 more youth have joined militancy, police data reveal, and many more have gone missing.

What is more, highly educated youth are also taking up gun. On January 4, Manan Wani, a research scholar from Aligarh Muslim University joined militancy. He was pursuing his PhD in applied geology. Recruits like Wani
lend militancy more allure which, in turn, drives more recruitment. In March, son of the top Hurriyat leader Mohammad Ashraf Sehrai’s son Junaid Ashraf Khan, an MBA, also joined Hizbul Mujahideen.

Besides militants, on their part, have tried to stonewall the easy exit from their ranks by recruiting only the seemingly ideologically most motivated youth. They have developed their own rigorous rite of passage. A fresh recruit, said a police officer involved in counter-insurgency, has to get most of the basic things he would need as a militant. More often than not they are also asked to get weapons by snatching it from police men on security duty.

They are also required to announce their recruitment on Facebook so that all their ways of return are closed. This is what Mannan Wani did too. And so was done by Junaid Ashraf Khan.

“It is to pre-empt these difficulties of a militant to return to normal life that a flexible surrender policy has been devised,” said a police officer. “A militant can return to his family without feeling the need to report to police first. Similarly, before every encounter we are giving them a chance to give themselves up”.

But if the steady trajectory of the militancy over the past two years has underlined, the policy hasn’t made much of a redeeming difference.

Despite a small number of the militants returning to their families, they are outnumbered by far by the fresh recruitment. Overall, the militancy has only grown stronger and more motivated. “The security strategies like surrender policy aren’t going to help much,” says the columnist Naseer Ahmad. “This is just a tactical approach to the situation. Militancy in the Valley needs a strategic response and which is a serious political initiative to address the deeper historical and political factors underpinning it”.

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A new twist in the casting couch row

Casting couch has created turmoil in the Tollywood. The issue is taking turns in an unprecedented way. Earlier, it was limited to cinema only. Later on, it led to war of words between Tollywood actress Sri Reddy and Hero Pawan Kalyan, who is also the chief of recently formed Janasena Political Party. The issue further initiated war between Pawan and the media, which in turn also led to legal battle.

casting couch

The controversy led to a vertical split among Tollywood bigwigs over ban on news channels. The top actors of Tollywood — except Pawan Kalyan, who has become the centrepoint of the issue and Balakrishna — held a meeting in Annapurna Studios and discussed recent developments in the industry. It is learnt that a section of the attendees pushed a proposal for a blanket ban of all movie related contents to the three news channels, which are facing the ire for targeting the film industry.

Actress Sri Reddy, who came to limelight when she stripped in public to expose the casting couch culture, a euphemism, for sexual harassment in Tollywood, has later shifted her focus on Pawan Kalyan. Referring the Pawan Kalyan as Anna ( Brother), she earnestly requested him to question the people at the helm of the industry on her behalf. He in turn advised her to go to the police. Infuriated by this, she slapped herself with shoes in public reportedly,in gesture of regret for calling him brother. She even went on TV live, abusing him and his mother (later she had sent out an apologetic note through her Twitter page).

Her action stirred the hornet’s nest in the mega star family, which includes Pawan and his brother and former minister Chiranjeevi. Claiming he was deeply hurt by Sri Reddy’s abuse involving his mother, Pawan alleged that a smear campaign against him was being orchestrated by a caste lobby, which owns media. However, the media in both the Telugu states, controlled by Kamma community.

Subsequently, Pawan launched a Twitter war against a few leading vernacular TV channels owned by influential businessmen in Kamma community and he even trained guns at Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu for allegedly ordering the campaign. He called on the people to boycott channels, who are in nexus with the
ruling TDP in AP and opposition in Telangana. The rift between Kammas and Kapus widened with Pawan’s personal attack on AP Chief Minister Chandrababu and his son Nara Lokesh, who also holds IT and Panchatraj portfolio in AP cabinet, when he levelled serious corruption charges against them. The unholy alliance between politics and film industry and media houses with a caste dominance is not new to Telugu states. The Sri Reddy’s episode has just lowered it to another level.

Tweets and legal notices

As response to the tweets by Pawan Kalyan, managements of two media houses issued legal notices to Pawan, saying that the Janasena Party president is making baseless allegations against them. Pawan’s statements are instigating his fans to attack media, they alleged.

Earlier, Pawan made controversial comments through his twitter account. He wrote, “If I cannot defend the honour of my mother, I better die”. After the strip protest by Sri Reddy, following which she used an abusive word against Pawan, these clippings were repeatedly telecast by some channels, followers of Pawan alleged. Subsequently, Pawan declared an open war against them. He also called for boycott of TV9, ABN Andhra Jyothy and TV5 who, he alleged were making business out of nudity and profanity. Later, he stated that “tweets are personal” and they will never have legal sanctity. What would be the next turn in the controversial casting couch issue is yet to be seen.

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Films on terrorism build on Indian realities today

India has been frequently targeted by foreign terrorist attacks for more than a decade, costing us lives and bringing in shock and fear amongst common people. For a democracy that has sustained in a vitiated political neighborhood where military juntas, army controlled governments and dictatorships continue to rule, attacks on Indian soil spell more than just hostility over a stretch of land in Kashmir. They attack a way of life and a thought process of tolerance and enterprise.

Films ArchitaYet, in the world of Hindi cinema, you would be hard pressed to find too many films that actually tell stories of terrorism as it is. Often terrorism or terrorists become a backdrop to hyperbole and melodrama. Gun totting maniacs are tagged as the bad guys, and made into villains. Most films don’t go beyond the surface level, never approaching subjects centered on terrorism with a research-based approach. A filmmaker might begin looking at terrorism or insurgency with noble intent, but as they begin the process of making a film, the end result often gets diluted.Authentic research and writing based on such research are sorely lacking.

Commercial interests and the pressure to play it safe, to be politically neutral, come in the way of films attempting to tell gritty, reality based stories about terrorism. What you get is a melodramatic Misson Kashmir, inadequate in its background research and yet, made by Vidhu Vinod Chopra, a Kashmiri Pandit. Otherwise, filmmakers like Mani Ratnam have touched upon the impact of terrorism on the lives of people in films like Dil Se, which looks at the life of a suicide bomber. Ratnam did approach an insurgent’s character with depth and layers in Roja, where Pankaj Kapur promises to reform himself in the end. Then there’s Aamir by Rajkumar Gupta, a gripping portrayal of a man forced to turn a suicide bomber, touching but politically passive. Nikhil Advani tackled homegrown terror and crime in D Day, which a filmy ending to the Dawood Ibrahim story that completely pandered to the front rows.

As cinema is changing swiftly across the mainstream in India, adapting to reality has slowly become a necessity for filmmakers. Some that have complained about not getting funds or a suitable producer to back films based in reality are finally getting opportunities to present those stories that they have always wanted to tell.

Omerta, by Hansal Mehta, is one of the best examples of such films. Set to release this April (20 April), the film is a gripping thriller centered on the life of Omar Saeed Sheikh, a British born Pakistani terrorist. Saeed has wreaked havoc on Indian soil and also masterminded some of the most high profile terrorist attacks in recent memory. Be it the blood thirsty assassination of journalist Daniel Pearl, or funding the 9/11 attacks, Omar, an educated and polished British man, was behind these chilling incidents. He was also integral to recruitment and training of Western and local youth for terror camps, and part of training suicide bombers in Pakistan. Rajkummar Rao, the finest actor that India has today, plays Saeed Sheikh with a touch of the diabolic sophisticate. He is brilliant, and has called his much-applauded role “the toughest that I have done so far.” Omerta, while incomplete in exploration of what made Omar Saeed such a fanatic, is an engaging portrayal of what makes a master terrorist, brick by brick. Mehta has utilized background information from media coverage to write out a chilling portrayal of Omar Saeed Sheikh.

Like Mehta, debutante director Aditya Dhar has found his inspiration in the 2016 Uri attacks by the Indian Defence forces. This film takes the route of a thriller, focusing on the bravery and strategic brilliance of the Indian Army in selectively attacking terror camps across the Pakistan border. In retaliation of a series of bloody attacks on the Defence forces by Pakistani terrorists, Dhar has written this film based entirely on media reports and conversations with military experts. The talented young actor Vicky Kaushal will act in it, and Ronnie Screwvala will produce it under his new company, RSVP. With bright young actors like Yami Gautam and Kriti Kulhari joining it’s cast, Uri promises to be a slick, engaging film about a key military operation that was carried quite recently. Its currency makes the film a hook for young audiences too.

In May, director Meghna Gulzar’s Raazi will release. Based on the book Calling Sehmat by Harinder Sikka, this film tells the story of a young female spy of Indian origin. A Kashmiri college student takes on the mantle of passing on crucial intelligence about Pakistani Army sponsored operations to the Indian Army; the book draws from real life incidents. In this film, Alia Bhatt, a popular young star today, is married to the son of a Pakistani Army general, having access to important information. Raazi is eagerly awaited for it’s true to life, gripping story.

What these films establish is the fact that despite a random Censor Board, that has a legacy of hacking off words, sentences, dialogues and scenes to keep Indians ‘protected’, filmmakers and producers are treading into politically volatile and sometimes, controversial territory. They will focus on the patriotism trump card to make their films viable no doubt. Even so, that they will make films adapted from real incidents involving the Indian Defence forces, diplomacy and the complex politics of Kashmir, is a positive start.

In Hollywood and international cinema, recent US armed interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan have inspired brilliant films and TV series. Be it the Oscar nominated films Zero Dark Thirty about the hunt for Osama Bin Laden, or The Hurt Locker, and American Sniper, The Green Line etc, Hollywood has taken a tough look at America’s
terror policy. Criticism and analysis are part of their story telling. With recent shows like The Looming Tower, or Homeland, American TV continues to take a critical, reality driven angle to their government’s role in military interventions, and aggressive anti-terrorism measures. Similarly, Vishal Bharadwaj, a filmmaker that has addressed typical Indian stories with universal flair, is currently in the process of adapting The Exile, a book by Kathy Scott Clark and Adrian Levy.

Bharadwaj will focus on the story before USA seriously hunkered down to find Osama Bin Laden. Based on thorough research, and exceptionally well thought out analysis, Scott Clark and Levy detail how Bin Laden was evacuated from Tora Bora in Afghanistan just thirty feet before US troops were ready to capture him. It looks at the special hidden place Bin Laden was given, and explore the link between the terror attack on the Indian parliament to Osama Bin Laden. It also takes a critical look at Pakistani ISI strategy to keep Osama hidden as that ensured inflow of more than a billion US dollars of aid money for a decade. Bharadwaj’s razor sharp writing holds promise of blowing the lid off Pakistan’s betrayals of international opinion and heinous strategy. It also brings the story as it played out from inside the complex where Osama was kept under strict protection.

Nikhil Advani, whose D Day took a filmy turn and adaptation of the first season of Homeland as Prisoners of War for Hotstar India didn’t quite win audiences, has pledged to make a film on the Batla House encounter. Advani will also focus on what really happened inside this building before and during the encounter with security forces. He wants to look at whether those brands terrorists here, could have just been students.

Filmmakers with experience and with dedicated teams working on writing and research for films that adapt real life terrorism is a positive sign for Hindi cinema. Films have to become oriented towards our reality for them to remain relevant to a 18 to 35 audience that has a large number of options on streaming platforms and from Hollywood.

Besides, these stories reflect the evolution of India as a nation, and the crucial role that our defence forces play in keeping us safe. They can be educative and reflective. One hopes, that with so many filmmakers attempting such content, we get to see some truly engaging and quality films around terrorism and it’s damaging consequences, that also connect with India’s mass audiences.

letters@tehelka.com

‘Earlier, there were much more realistic serials on television’

Actress Renuka Shahane, who returned in style with an unconventional thriller 3 Storeys last month, says she will be seen in more films now. Shahane — whose last Hindi film was 2004’s Dil Ne Jise Apna Kahaa while 2015’s Highway her last Marathi film — tells Manmohan Singh Naula in an interview that she did not take up any project for a long time as she was playing the role of a mother of young children in the real life.
edited Excerpts from an interview •

After a long hiatus, you appeared in tinsel town. What changes do you observe since then?

Well, the long break was due to marriage and 2 kids thereafter in 2002 and 2004. Prior to this, I was engrossed in telly shows and daily soaps. Later, I’d taken a conscious decision to get married and have kids — I would be at home with them and give my family a priority and so that’s exactly what I was doing. Also bich bich mai (in between) I kept doing things like Marathi film or television shows. I kept in touch with my Marathi audience, at least. But yes, it took 14 long years for the Hindi audience to see me once again on the screen. Last year my elder son appeared for the 10th exam and only after they settle down and become independent, I could be able to focus more on cinematic works.

Q&A manmohanI was lucky enough to have a storyteller like Sooraj Barjatya who produced Hum Aapke Hai Koun, providing us with a bound script where everything was decided earlier. Ironically the film industry did not usually function then. Now, I see a lot of professionalism because there is a gradual corporatization of the industry. Now, lots of producers are moonlighting as actors or writers or people who want change — so that’s great because now you have bound script and everything is planned in advance. Some sets even look like Hollywood — fully equipped the walkie-talkies and a sense of professionalism that’s the hallmark of the latter. Also, I feel that in terms of content and experimentation, that is going on with the kind of content in Hindi film industry — has been not seen for a very long time. So there is lot of scope for newcomers now to come-up with great roles like in 3 Storey that was offered to me — which is very rare for the one to be offered to a character actor and I think more and more of that have been seen these days and more stories than wider range of stories have been told in Hindi cinema so I think that is a great change that has happened.

Tell us about your sudden comeback with 3 Storey.

I must say it was a leap of faith for the director Arjun Mukherjee and producer Priya Shree Dharan, and of course Ritesh Siddhwani and Farhan Akhtar who are also its co-producers, to repose confidence in me for the unique role I was supposed to essay. They liked my audition. Unless an actor gets an opportunity he or she can’t prove their mettle. So it’s very important to get that kind of role — till then I’ve been essaying stereotype roles in the films (I won’t say this for telly-serials as I’ve done a wide varieties of roles there). Before this, people in the entertainment industry used to look at me as the sweet bhabhi of Hum Aap Ke Hain Koun or sister of Dil Ne Jise Aapna Kaha. Such image has become synonymous with me and, ironically, sweet nice people don’t have much to do in terms of acting. They are required more for their mere presence rather than for any acting ability — so this was something which was really exciting as I come from theatre. Since my baptisation into the acting world, I did a wide variety of roles even in theatre or TV, so something like this being offered to me was really awesome.

A lot has changed in the world of TV since Nineties. What’s your take?

Yes, television has changed a lot. One of the main things that has changed is the lack of time that people have in television. When we used to do television, we’d a lot of time because they were weekly soaps.

Everything was very well thought of. They did not run forever unless there were like certain shows like I did — Surabhi, which ran for 10 years. But it was an anchoring show that was telecast once a week. Thus, there was a finite quality to TV serials. We as actors knew the beginning, middle and end of our characters, storyline, etc. It was much more organized. I feel sorry for the people who are working in television, although there is lot of glamour to it now, which was not the case earlier. There were much more realistic serials. I think there is nothing memorable in that sense apart from first dailies such as Kyun Ki Saas Bhi Kaabhi Bahu Thi, Kahani Ghaar Ghaar Ki, Kasauti Zindagi Ki. They were trend setters. All others seem to be poor copy of these serials.

I admire the actors today because to imagine to trying to get conviction to a role where there is no guarantee of what your character will be asked to do the next day, there is no guarantee of same director, there is very little guarantee about anything except that you have to work long hours.

Actors are known for throwing tantrums like coming late on the set or events or getting stubborn on certain dress code. What’s your view on this?

Luckily for me the huge stars I’ve worked with — Shah Rukh Khan in Circus and Salman Khan in Hum Aap Ke Hai Koun, Madhuri, Anupam Ji, Alok Nath Ji — and even in television people I have worked with, I’ve never seen any of them throwing tantrums. But yes I did a daily soap and there were some people who did throw their weight around in the serial that I did on Sony in 2007. I believe that kind of behaviour is not done. If you have issues with producer you should vent it out on producer. But these guys turn on their heat on other members from the set such as spot boys, light man or assistants. I don’t think it is right as these guys are helpless and the ones who follow orders from directors and all.

Would you like to work with Salman Khan once again?

Of course he is a delight to work with and we have a very nice working relationship. So yes, I would love to be part of any project with him. I’m sharing screen space with Madhuri after 23 years in a Marathi film called Buket List. It is her first Marathi film. It was such a great reunion. It was wonderful to work with her. We have a very special place in each other’s heart since Hum Aap Ke Hai Koun, which went on to make history. In later years, Salman and gave many hits. But I’m still known only for Hum Aapke Hai Koun and Surabhi. So it’s like iconic for me.

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Politics of ‘Kar-Natak’ unruffles political bigwigs

Come May 12, Karnataka goes to poll for 224-Assembly seats for which a whopping number of candidates have filed nominations. Bulk of the seats are being contested by the ruling Congress, and the opposition BJP as well as Janata Dal (Secular) or JD-S. Besides, Independents and candidates from regional parties are also contesting in large numbers. The intervening period is witnessing a hectic flurry of political activity in all major and minor contending parties. Undoubtedly, experts don’t see any wave either in favour of against the key political parties — ruling Congress, rival BJP and the JD (S) — nevertheless, the electioneering is witnessing exchange of barbs or jibes via social media, allegations and counter-allegations in election rallies and the last-minute efforts to woo the voters.

IMG_5269Congress enjoys the advantage of strong state leadership in the persona of chief minister Siddaramaiah, who has been the last in the party in Karnataka, from candidate selection to poll strategy and campaigning, unlike in the BJP which is being managed viaremote-control from New Delhi. Some critics opine that Siddaramaiah’s political googlies — picking up the Kannada language or opposition to Hindi found resonance with the Kannadigas or painting the Centre as a step-mother favouring North Indian states or the most recent one of granting minority religious status to the powerful Lingayat community – haveproved instrumental in eclipsing the local leadership of the BJP. His bold stand on Cauvery water-sharing also falls in this category.

Siddaramaiah’s emphasis on regional issues has earned some mild criticism from certain quarters, but concurrently it is also seen by some as bulwark against BJP’s brand of nationalism, which the local BJP leadership is finding it difficult to effectively puncture this narrative. While making the assembly polls a battle between regionalism and BJP’s style of nationalism, Siddaramaiah government has also come out with welfare schemes like food for the poor — Indira Canteens.

In the wake of the BJP’s announcement of the campaign schedule of PM Modi and UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Siddaramaiah brooked no delay in riling the BJP by calling its star campaigners as “north Indian imports” and their presence in Karnataka an admission of the fact that the BJP has no leaders in the state. One critic has dubbed this as return of the north vs south rhetoric to Karnataka. Bristled at its leaders being dubbed as outsiders to Karnataka, the BJP hit back by accusing Siddaramaiah of stooping low and pointed to Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, also non-Kannadigas like Modi and Adityanath.

Being aware of the BJP’s strategy of playing up a nationalistic brand of politics, Siddaramaiah has brought to the table his brand of identity politics — Kannadiga — which is touted as Siddaramaiah’s way of ensuring even the voter wears his Kannadiga identity on his sleeve. The growing resentment over the BJP-ruled Centre’s efforts of pushing Kannada to play the second fiddle to Hindi even in Karnataka, especially in exams conducted by departments of the Government of India found its articulation in incidents of defacing signage at Metro rail stations in Bengaluru and spraying paint over the names of the stations written in Hindi. Some experts opine that this linguist pride has got intertwined with the Kannadiga identity and Siddaramaiah is tapping into the feeling among proud Kannadigas who feel that a Kannada speaker is considered inferior to someone who articulates in Hindi. Recently, this author was in Karnataka and chanced to have one-to-one talk with Siddaramaiah in Nagnahally district of Mysore, wherein the latter expressed full confidence of again forming the next government. The chief minister who was conducting door-to-door campaign ruled out the possibility of any negative impact of anti-incumbency factor because his government had dome more good things on account of which the people were satisfied with his government.

BJP’s hitch

Majority of political observers agree that under the current scenario, the BJP is finding the going tough in Karnataka. They also opine that the BJP’s chief ministerial face Yeddyurappa and his supporters are finding it difficult to counter Siddaramaiah’s narrative based on Kannada pride and the manner in which he has managed to paint the Central government as the villain. The state BJP unit, finding itself on a weaker wicket, is pegging hopes on PM Modi, its pinch hitter, to rescue the team, like he did in Gujarat assembly elections at the fag-end of campaigning.
The BJP’s attempts at making corruption as its main plank seem to have run into a rough weather because Yeddyurappa as the CM face weakens this plank as he was, in people’s perception, infamously immersed in corruption and his governance found wanting on different fronts. Besides, the BJP high command’s decision to refuse a ticket to Yeddyurappa’s son reinforces what Siddaramaiah has been underlining that the north Indian leaders call the shots in BJP, reducing Yeddyurappa to a figurehead.

Theatrical antics

Theatrical antics in the form of jibes, barbs, allegations through social media outlets like Twitter and Facebook have come to roost in Karnataka. Now with the Congress as well as the BJP being desperate to win Karnataka, both have taken to social media in a big way, making political use of technology, and even the JD (S) is not lagging behind.
Electoral rivalries between the BJP and Congress no more remain confined to just rallies and road shows, but increasingly about tweet wars, Facebook likes and WhatsApp forwards.There has been frequent exchange of barbs on Twitter between present incumbent Siddaramaiah and the BJP’s chief ministerial face BS Yeddyurappa. The Congress social media unit, comprising about 50 volunteers, reportedly works on graphics, tweets and Facebook posts to counter “fake news” put out by BJP handles. The BJP’s social media units, comprising 5,000 volunteers spread across the state, are working to spread the BJP messaging since August last 2017. Their main job is to highlight what they call the “misgovernance” of the Siddaramaiah government and “negativity towards Hindus.”
In the wake of dissemination of fake news assuming serious dimensions, a leading English Daily has recently warned that Internet fakery is now taking an even more vicious avatar called “Deepfakes”, which uses Artificial Intelligence to make anyone say or do just about anything on video. Undoubtedly, social media is credited to have made the world a more democratic place; nonetheless, it is also said to produce fakery that plays on naive minds, and polarises society more ominously than the rampaging mobs during riots.

Looking ahead

The tone and tenor of election campaigns, especially during the state assembly elections, is assuming such dimensions that belittle the importance of India’s claim to be the largest successful democracy in the world.

Political slugfest, mud-slugging, usage of unparliamentary language and character assassination on individual basis and on the basis of caste have become features frequently deployed during the election campaigns, as witnessed in UP assembly elections and in Gujarat assembly elections and a part of this scenario can be seen in Karnataka as well.

This is a dangerous trend that needs to be curbed at the earliest by making suitable amendments in the election law. Karnataka has the distinction of being a State where no party since 1985 came to power for a second consecutive term and no CM has returned after a full five-year term since Devaraj Urs in 1978. Undoubtedly, both Congress and the BJP are confident of winning the elections; nevertheless, if Congress succeeds in wresting power for the second time consecutively, it will explode 33-year old myth and for that we will have to wait till May 15.

Dr. Anil Singh is Executive Editor of News24, the author was recently in Karnataka & views expressed are author’s own

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ACB Arrests Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal’s Relative in PWD Scam

arvind-3Anti corruption Branch (ACB) today arrested Vinay Bansal, close relative of Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal in an alleged PWD Scam.

The accused Vinay Bansal is the son of Kejriwal’s late brother-in-law Surendra Bansal.

According to ACB, Rahul Sharma founder of Roads Anti-Corruption Organisation (RACO) lodged a complaint last year against Delhi chief minister, his brother-in-law, and other persons for alleged irregularities in the grant of contracts for roads and sewers in Delhi.

The complainant alleged that in April 2015, Renu Construction Company was granted contract ‘irregularly’ to construct a drainage system in north-west Delhi’s Bakoli village, following which the ACB filed three separate FIRs against various persons in May last year for forgery, cheating and graft.

The corruption bureau, during their probe, found that the aforesaid company gave the tender at 46% low cost to a company named Mahadev Impact, which does not exist on papers. It was also found that the work for the obtained contract was never completed. Even the bid and its technical marks were manipulated.

Since Vinay Bansal, is 50% partner in the aforesaid company, he was arrested on Thursday morning. Surendra Bansal, who is also an accused in the case, died last year after prolonged illness.

According to sources in the ACB, Vinay was unable to give satisfactory answers during questioning.

BJP is on a sticky wicket in Karnataka

Prime Minister Narendra Modi being felicitated by Karnataka BJP chief Pralhad Joshi, Union Chemicals and Fertilizers Ministers Anantha Kumar ad others at HAL Airport, in Bangalore,  on Sept. 23, 2014. (Photo: IANS)

Karnataka is the only major state that’s in the Congress’ grip and is seen as an obstacle before the BJP’s mission of achieving a ‘Congress Mukt Bharat’. With just a few days to go for the Karnataka Assembly elections, one of the most-awaited electoral battles before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the political fights are heating up the southern state with political fronts of the Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, and Janata Dal (Secular)-Bahujan Samaj Party combine and the Left. The campaign has already had a contentious kick-start since the BJP IT cell chief Amit Malviya and also, Times Now tweeted the date of polls even before the Election Commission of India announced it. In spite of a lively tenure of the current Chief Minister, Siddaramaiah, the Congress is facing a tough battle against a reviving BJP and an optimistic JD(S).

Siddaramaiah with a great mass appeal has managed to smartly realign caste groupings in his favour, something which the BJP successfully did in Uttar Pradesh. At the same time, the BJP, through a mix of its Hindutva communal rhetoric and it support of a ‘market-driven development model’, has been trying to diffuse Siddaramaiah’s electoral formula. As a former finance minister and deputy chief minister who oversaw the establishment of the VAT regime in the state, Siddaramaiah is well-versed with the complexities of national and international economies.

As far as the BJP is concerned, since Mission Karnataka was launched in August 2017, state BJP leaders have been happy to let Amit Shah have the final word. Uplifted by the Tripura election victory, the BJP is now likely to channel all its energy to dethrone Congress in Karnataka. Amit Shah is micromanaging every detail ahead of the 12 May polls. Amit Shah has emerged as the face of the Karnataka campaign. While Rahul Gandhi seems to have let Siddaramaiah lead the way for the Congress, BS Yeddyurappa, the chief ministerial face of the BJP, has outsourced it to Shah.

Yeddyurappa’s candidature has several disadvantages. The two most obvious minuses are his age and his tainted past. This has led to a noticeable difference in the way the BJP and the Congress are approaching this election. The BJP is fighting this election as a national party while the Congress is playing it like a regional force. With a ‘Non-Kannadiga’ like Amit Shah at the helm of affairs, Siddaramaiah, in a clever shift of strategy, has harped more on Kannada regional identity to blunt the BJP’s card of nationalism. By highlighting the local culture, flag, language, the Congress is seizing the narrative. Even in the online space, the BJP and Congress social media teams target Siddaramaiah and Shah respectively.

At the other end, the JD(S) is said to be relying on to its conventional base of Vokkaligas, another dominant section of the population, in many regions. Siddaramaiah’s AHINDA (a Kannada acronym for backward classes, Dalits and minorities) jibe as a united block has destabilised the former political equations, earlier dominated by the powerful Lingayats and Vokkaligas. While trying to create this group, Siddaramaiah, a Kuruba leader (Kurubas make up around 7-9% of the state’s population), has also ensured that the less-prosperous sections among Lingayats and Vokkaligas also get the benefits of welfare measures he initiated for a range of unprivileged caste groups.

Now, with his Siddaramaiah’s notable decision to grant a separate religion status to the Lingayat community and declaring it among minorities, he has clearly caught the BJP off-guard. Giving political legitimacy to the Lingayat community’s age-old demand may prove to be a political gamble ultimately but he has clearly hit at the BJP’s core vote base.What also helps Siddaramaiah is the language factor. His ability to connect with the people in Kannada gives him the advantage while Shah has to depend on a translator.

Although effective in voicing socio-economic issues in Karnataka, representation of Left parties in the assembly has been limited over the years. Reduced to very low numbers in the state, the Left parties Communist Party of India and Communist Party of India-Marxist CPI (M) are trying to stage a comeback in the assembly elections eyeing on a handful of seats across the state, including a few in Bengaluru. The CPI (M) decided to support the “strongest candidates” who would be in a position to defeat the saffron party, besides fielding its own nominees in 19 seats. Former party General Secretary Prakash Karat was more forthright and said that the CPI (M) can support the Congress as well as the JD (S) in seats where it was not contesting, and help defeat the BJP.

For the JD(S), there are two possible outcomes in the Karnataka election 2018. It could either play kingmaker or become completely irrelevant. Many within the party and in political circles feel that the coming election is a challenging one for the JD(S) to remain politically relevant as it has been out of power for over 10 years now. The party has considerable presence in old Mysuru region, where the Vokkaliga community has a dominant presence and is restricted to a few pockets in the rest of the state. Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, the one-time confidant of Gowda, was expelled from the JD(S) in 2006, after which he joined the Congress. He has several times alleged he was expelled to favour prospects of Deve Gowda’s son Kumaraswamy in the JD(S). The old Mysore region is primarily dominated by the Vokkaligas, estimated to be around 11% of the state’s population. The contest here is estimated should be a bipolar fight between the JD(S) and the Congress. Although Vokkaligas are spread all over South Karnataka, they are dominant in seven districts — Mandya, Hassan, Ramanagara, Tumkur, Kolar, Chikballapur, and Bengaluru Rural. Whatever be the results, Congress at present appears to be the only party that has a pan-Karnataka presence.

For the first time since he came to power in 2014, Narendra Modi who always led from the front is taking a backseat in a major state election. That’s why, and also in a reversal of the trend, the BJP has put up a chief ministerial candidate in the Karnataka elections. Making BS Yeddyurappa the party’s chief ministerial candidate was an admission of the fact that the BJP is on a sticky wicket in Karnataka. Modi is not leading the campaign in Karnataka unlike Bihar, Jharkhand, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and most recently Gujarat, where the BJP didn’t project chief ministerial candidates and Modi led from the front. Yeddyurappa is going to wear the cross, not Modi if the BJP loses Karnataka.

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