The professor of terror

Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed has a strategy and an army full of faithfuls. Harinder Baweja tracks the 26/11 mastermind

Safe Custody Hafiz Saeed leaves court under police protection after an appearance in a case
Photo: Reuters

At first sight, he easily passes off as a cleric, a scholarly-looking man, a pious elder seldom seen without a walking stick in his hand and a cap on his head. He is a familiar face on Pakistani television screens, but were it not for his acerbic tongue, few would pause to look at him a second time. His is not a face that draws attention, but his views do. Each time this ‘pious’ man addresses a congregation, he can hold a crowd of one lakh spellbound. The powerful orator is clear-headed about his interpretation of the Koran and believes that killing is “every pious man’s obligation” and the destruction of non-islamic forces a duty assigned by allah, the almighty.
The closest an Indian journalist can currently get to this very pious professor, Hafiz Saeed, the Amir of the Lashkar-e- Taiba (LeT), India’s most wanted man are his lawyer, AK Dogar and his son-in-law, Khalid Waleed. Speak to the lawyer and the conversation goes something like this:
You’re representing a man the Indian government thinks is the mastermind of 26/11.
If Karl Marx is the mastermind of all socialists, then Hafiz Saeed is a mastermind. He is a masterly religious scholar who runs 140 schools all over Pakistan.
But Hafiz Saeed openly calls for jihad.
I have read books about Mahatma Gandhi…
Are you comparing Hafiz Saeed to the Mahatma?
I can’t dare to do that. Muslims have a different point of view. We don’t go by Jesus Christ’s principle of turning the other cheek.
Hafiz Saeed is well known as the founder of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, which was behind the Mumbai attacks…
The Indian government has not a shred of evidence, no tangible proof that Hafiz Saeed was in any way connected to the Mumbai attacks. Jihad is a word that means struggle, even if it done through monetary assistance and charity work. All over the world, there is a feeling that Muslims are terrorists…
Lets talk specifics. Ajmal Kasab, the lone terrorist captured alive has testified to the role of your client.
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MUMBAI CONNECTION
Kasab first meets Saeed in December 2007 at Muridke during preliminary training
2 Kasab meets Saeed again during advanced training in Muzaffarabad, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir
3 Kasab trained to use sophisticated arms and GPS navigation aids over eight weeks by a man referred to as ‘Major General’
Saeed personally chooses the ten 26/11 attackers. Gives Kasab the codename Abu Mujahid
5 Kasab and other 26/11 attackers given sea training. Saeed questions team about training given
6 Saeed tells Kasab and other attackers that Mumbai is their target. Along with the ‘Major General’, conducts final test
7 Saeed divides group of ten attackers into pairs. Kasab and teammates are given detailed orders about routes and attack plans
8 Saeed tells Kasab that foreign tourists must be targeted and killed, to embarrass India
9 Saeed orders the final attack
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My dear lady, such evidence will not even be admissible in an Indian court of law. Any statement made by an accused is not credible evidence…
Aftermath Bodies and baggage lie strewn in CST terminus, Mumbai
Photo: AP

Waleed, the son-in-law, is not as glib, perhaps because of his close proximity to the pious professor, the Amir of the Lashkar, also known as the Army of Allah. Waleed admits, now, as he did a few months back when he escorted me through the sprawling Muridke complex just off Lahore — known worldwide as the headquarters of the Lashkar-e-Taiba — that the Amir’s message to this Army of Allah on the issue of Kashmir, at least, is very clear: they don’t respect the Line of Control, they are working towards the accession of Kashmir to Pakistan and for that they actively help the LeT with propaganda, money and arms.
But ask Waleed about Hafiz Saeed’s link to 26/11 and he is quick to dismiss it as ‘Indian propaganda.’ He refers to the 60-year-old Saeed as ‘bazurg’ (an older man) and in chaste Punjabi says, “Bazurgan nu badnaam kita hai India ne (India is besmirching the reputation of the old man. The Indian Home Minister asking for Saeed saab to be investigated and sent to Mumbai for trial is like Pakistan asking that Narendra Modi be brought here because he masterminded the killings of so many Muslims in Gujarat.”
ANY THAW in India-Pakistan relations, which went into deep freeze after 26/11, now hinges on the progress India expects its neighbour to make on the terror investigation. Hafiz Saeed lies at its core. Home Minister P Chidambaram and his counterpart in South Block, Minister for External Affairs SM Krishna have been vociferous in demanding that Hafiz Saeed be interrogated and prosecuted on the basis of what National Security Advisor MK Narayanan calls, “Grade One evidence.’’
Chidambaram, in fact, is leading the campaign against Hafiz Saeed and believes the government has shared enough information — through six dossiers — with Pakistan. What exactly is the government’s case against Saeed and what details do the dossiers contain?
Reaper Prime accused Ajmal Kasab at CST terminus during the attacks
Photo: AP

A lot of the ‘credible evidence’ has been garnered by senior officers of the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) through elaborate and detailed hours-long conversations with Ajmal Kasab. Kasab, who opened fire at Chhatrapati Shivaji Stadium and then at Cama Hospital, was subsequently also responsible for killing former ATS Chief Hemant Karkare and his colleagues Kamte and Vijay Salaskar before the Mumbai Police overpowered him. What IB, RAW and the Mumbai Police have been able to piece together is the back-end story of the planning and training that went on for a whole year prior to the attacks on 26/11. According to Kasab, Hafiz Saeed masterminded the entire conspiracy and paid individual attention to the finest detail, choosing the ten who eventually landed at Badhwar Park, overseeing their target practice, dividing them into pairs and overseeing the hijacking of an Indian trawler, the MV Kuber.
In the dossiers, Kasab implicates Saeed with specific details of time and location:
 Kasab first met Saeed at Muridke during the course of the 21-day Daurae- Sufa (preliminary training) between December 2007 and January 2008, where a batch of thirty recruits was explained the meaning of jihad. The batch was introduced to Hafiz Saeed and the operation commander Zakiur- Rahman. Saeed addressed the batch: “You mujahideen have to fight to liberate Kashmir,’’ and Lakhvi said, “Ab jihad ka waqt aa gaya hai (the time for jihad has come). Our group has been fighting in Kashmir for the last fifteen years, but Hindustan is not freeing Kashmir. We now have to wage a war to get Kashmir. Are all of you ready for this battle? We are planning to target big cities to weaken India.”

‘If Karl Marx is the mastermind of all the world’s socialists, then Hafiz Saeed, too, is a mastermind,’ says his lawyer, AK Dogar

 The batch was then inducted for the Daura-e-Khas (advanced training) at a fortified Lashkar camp in Muzaffarabad, where Kasab and the others were trained to use Kalashnikovs, rocket launchers, pistols and grenades. They were also familiarised with the use of GPS navigation devices and map-reading and were given survival training – how to stay hungry and how to climb mountains while carrying heavy backpacks. During the course of this training, an unknown man was also present. At that time, Hafiz Saeed and Lakhvi came there and met and hugged the unknown man, who was referred to from then on as ‘Major General’. The Major General supervised the eight-week long training during which Kasab says they were converted into ‘pucca jihadis’.
 Kasab and others then met Hafiz Saeed at the Beit-ul-Mujahideen (Home of the Mujahideen) camp, where they were shown CDs of fidayeen attacks in Kashmir.

Chidambaram wants Pakistan to do more: investigate locations pinpointed by Kasab, examine LeT operatives’ call records

 According to the dossier, Kasab also revealed that it was Hafiz Saeed who chose the final ten who were sent via sea to Mumbai. Saeed also personally gave them new names. Ajmal Kasab was named Abu Mujahid. Imran Babar from Multan, for example, was named Abu Akash.
 The group then came back to Muridke for Daura-e-Ribat (intelligence training) in August 2008. The Major General visited the group again to motivate them and asked Kasab if he knew how to swim. The senior army officer then told Kafa, the course commander, that the group was now ready for sea training (“ab inko samundari training do’’)
 In September 2008, the group was taken to Karachi by train and kept at a house in Ajizabad locality. After two days, they were taken out to sea in two boats and then transferred onto a motorboat for three days during which they were trained in how to use GPS devices at sea. They were taught how to use fishing nets “so they could pass for fishermen in case they were questioned by the Indian Navy.”

Hafiz Saeed took credit for the deadly attack on Delhi’s Red Fort in December 2000. He still calls for jihad against India

• On their return, they were taken to the Beit-ul-Mujahideen camp where Hafiz Saeed and Lakhvi personally questioned them about their sea training. Here, they were also introduced to three other mujahideen. Saeed told them, “They are also fidayeen like you and have been similarly trained. They will be accompanying you to India for the attack.’’ He also said, “Ab jihad ka waqt aa gaya hai’’ and Lakhvi told them that they had decided that Mumbai would be the target and that they would be going to Mumbai via sea. The Major General came to this camp and after hugging Saeed and Lakhvi, took them aside for a private chat. When the trio returned to where Kasab and the others were assembled, Lakhvi said that the Major General wanted to test their preparedness. According to the dossier, Kasab and the group were given a Kalashnikov and a magazine each and the Major General told Hafiz Saeed, “Saeed saab, aap target lagao.” Saeed told Kafa (the course commander) to place ten targets and told Kasab and his nine companions, “When I say fire, all of you should fire single shots and when I say fire twice, open rapid fire.” As per the cue, all ten of them opened fire and hit the target, except for Imran Babar, who was reprimanded by Hafiz Saeed. When the Major General said “fire” twice, the mujahideen opened rapid fire. The Major General wanted to know who had fired at target number four. Kasab, apparently, earned praise from both the Major General and Hafiz Saeed.

Neighbours good?Prime Ministers Yousuf Raza Gilani and Manmohan Singh at Sharm-el-Sheikh in July 2009

 The group was then introduced to Zarar Shah, the computer and media expert. Soon after, Hafiz Saeed broke the group of ten up into five pairs and said, “We now have to hijack an Indian boat to go from Karachi to Mumbai. A lot of foreign tourists come there and they have to be targeted and killed to embarrass Hindustan.”
 Hafiz Saeed, Lakhvi and Zarar Shah then took the group to a big hall which Zarar Shah called ‘the media room.’’ Here, they were shown CDs of CST train station and Malabar Hill. The CDs also contained detailed information of which roads and routes to take to CST from Badhwar Park. This was shown to them on Google Earth.

Saeed is an improvised explosive device in the hands of his mentors. His hatred for India stems from religious and personal reasons

• They then returned to the Bait-ul- Mujahideen camp. There, they were asked to shave their beards. Mobile phones with Indian SIM cards and watches set to Indian time were given to them and they were also asked to tie a red thread around their wrists, so as to pass off as Hindus. The group was ready to set sail for Mumbai and were given identity cards with Indian names. Kasab was dubbed Sameer Chaudhary and given a Bengaluru identity card with Arunoday Degree College written on it.

Local support Supporters of the banned Jamaat-ud- Dawa, an alleged front of the LeT at a rally in Islamabad on August 14
Photo: AFP

All of this could well be rejected as a confession forced out of Kasab through third degree torture. Pakistan has been dismissing the dossiers saying they only contain information and not evidence. India, however, believes that if serious, Pakistan’s investigative agencies can visit the places named by Kasab. Chidambaram has been asking for more. He says Lakhvi and Saeed’s phone records should be analysed. The sixth dossier — which contains the most information against Saeed — notes: “Pakistan cannot continue to remain in a state of denial over the involvement of Hafiz Saeed. Evidence on record together with the evidence that may be gathered in the course of investigations would — and should — certainly lead to the prosecution of Saeed.”
SINCE PAKISTAN is repeatedly rejecting the Indian government’s request, the question that gains relevance is this: Why is Pakistan reluctant to move against Hafiz Saeed? Pakistan was quick to investigate and arrest both Lakhvi and Zarar Shah. Why not the ‘pious’ professor himself? Saeed, after all, has given open calls for jihad against India and, after it happened, personally took credit for the attack on the Red Fort in Delhi in December 2000.
Hafiz Saeed, according to Pakistan’s own strategic experts, is not just a plain terrorist, but also an asset in the hands of the establishment. Unlike a Baitullah Mehsud — the Taliban leader who was recently slain by a Predator drone missile — Saeed neither runs riot within Pakistan nor trains his guns on his mentors within the Army and the ISI. Says Lt Gen Hamid Gul, former ISI Chief, “Why doesn’t India address the issue of Kashmir? People like Hafiz Saeed will remain important till then. The bull will keep charging as long as the red rag is there.”

Saeed is placed under ‘house arrest’ for western consumption. The recent FIRs against him have nothing to do with 26/11

Incitement Hafiz Saeed addresses a rally of his supporters on August 31
Photo: AP

Gul is not Saeed’s only supporter. He is just one among many officers from the ISI and the Pakistani army — serving and retired — who is a vocal supporter of the Lashkar-e-Taiba. This is endorsed by Ahmed Rashid, well-known journalist and author: “Retired ISI officers are helping the jihadis and have become more Lashkar than the Lashkar,” he says. The core reason why Hafiz Saeed and his fighters have deep linkages and continuing support from the establishment is linked to the battle Pakistan is being forced to fight on its western border. He comes in handy for Pakistan to be able to raise the Kashmir card with the US. As Rashid points out, “Musharraf used to put Hafiz Saeed under house arrest for Western consumption, but little was done to curtail the LeT’s activities within Pakistan. They continue to recruit and train people.” The Lashkar is estimated to have 1,000 offices across Pakistan and Hafeez Saeed’s army now hides under the alias of the Jamaat-ud-Dawa. Kasab’s arrest is proof of the fact that ‘non-state actors’ can use Pakistani soil for terror activities, particularly if they are aimed at India.
In India, the US ambassador is politically correct. Timothy Roemer has endorsed the dossiers, saying there is a lot of proof in them. However, the reason why the US is not pushing the case with the Pakistan government is simply because Washington needs the Pakistani Army to fight its global war against terror. Perhaps this is the reason why Pakistan continues to be able to stall the FBI from investivating 26/11 leads. Hamid Gul puts it bluntly: “India has made the childish mistake of hanging the 26/11 case on one man (Hafiz Saeed) and it is now making a second mistake by trying to push the case through the Americans. They are losing the war in Afghanistan and frankly, the US needs Pakistan more than it needs India.”
Arm’s length Foreign ministers SM Qureishi and SM Krishna before inconclusive talks in New York on September 27

This need keeps Hafiz Saeed in business. He, in fact, is an armed improvised explosive device in the hands of his mentors. His hatred for India — also openly echoed by his son-in-law during our tour of Muridke — stems from reasons personal and religious. His ‘cause’ for revenge is linked to his past — thirty of his family were murdered during Partition when his father, an ordinary landlord, moved from Simla to Pakistani Punjab’s Mianwali district. Saeed himself is a father of two – a son and a daughter.
He grew up on the Koran and pursued religious studies in Saudi Arabia, from where he got a Masters in Islamic studies. The professor, who speaks only Urdu and chaste Punjabi, taught Islamic Studies at the University of Engineering and Technology in Lahore. Like many in Pakistan, Saeed too participated in the US-sponsored jihad against the Russians in Pakistan. He now asks a difficult question when he appears on television screens in Pakistan: “If we were not terrorists at that time, then why are we terrorists now?’ Saeed is quick to answer his own question and the answer invariably is, “Allah has ordained every Muslim to fight until His rule is established. We have no option but to follow Allah’s order. The blow struck by jihad does not come from man, it comes from Allah.”
Ajmal Kasab was motivated enough, to follow Hafiz Saeed’s orders. Perhaps more are being indoctrinated, even as India continues to build the pressure on Pakistan to investigate the man who figures as number one on the list of the 35 people ‘most wanted’ for 26/11. The Pakistani Establishment, however, continues to shield him. Typical of the schizophrenic manner in which Pakistan operates, the Professor continues to be a free man despite Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s recent assertion that he had been placed under house arrest. The PM, in fact, was contradicted by an Inspector General of Police, who vowed that Saeed was a free bird.
In the last two months alone, he has given two sermons condemning India and the US, accusing both of masterminding 9/11 and 26/11. Two FIRs have now been lodged against him but neither have anything to do with the Mumbai attacks. On both these occasions, Saeed reiterated that “the time has come to stand united and come forward to take part in the jihad.” His defence no doubt will be that he has not called for an armed jehad but a spiritual one. The pious Professor has an agenda and he is, clearly, still at work.

WRITER’S EMAIL
shammy@tehelka.com

How the dead haunt


ON SEPTEMBER 7, 2009, lawyer Mukul Sinha ran to a news conference he had called at sundown in Ahmedabad, excitedly clutching a copy of a report a local judge had signed minutes ago. The 247-page report, handwritten by Metropolitan Magistrate SP Tamang, would grab headlines nationwide, sending shivers down the backs of the BJP government in Gujarat with its unprecedented claim – that the “encounter” of “Lashkar-e-Tayyeba terrorists”, Ishrat Jahan and three others, carried out early on the morning of June 15, 2004, in Ahmedabad, was the cold-blooded murder of innocent people.
“We hadn’t yet read the report, so we were as stunned as the journalists when we began reading it, translating from Gujarati,” says Sinha, still marvelling that a three-week probe revealed what he has been fighting to uncover for years. Of course, the next day, Gujarat High Court judge Kalpesh Jhaveri stayed Tamang’s report. He demanded to know why the magistrate had conducted a probe when Jhaveri was already hearing a petition by Shamima, Ishrat Jahan’s mother, who has sought an inquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the alleged encounter.
At the time of going to press, Shamima was readying to move against the stay. “We are filing a petition in the Supreme Court to pray that the stay on Tamang’s report be vacated,” Supreme Court lawyer Vrinda Grover, who represents Shamima, told TEHELKA.
The High Court’s stay certainly gave some political respite to the beleaguered Gujarat Chief Minister, Narendra Modi. This relief strengthened on September 14 when the BJP won the Gujarat Assembly by-election in five of the seven seats that polled days earlier. BJP leader Arun Jaitley quickly claimed that “siding with Ishrat Jahan” proved costly for arch-rival Congress party, which lost three seats it had won in the 2007 assembly elections. Ahmedabad-based political analyst Achyut Yagnik, however, dismisses the claim. “That’s propaganda. The BJP wants to prove that the Gujarati middle-class and the people are with them,” he told TEHELKA. “The fact is that the Congress lost this election because of overconfidence and the wrong selection of candidates rather than because the voters rallied for the BJP in view of any negative fallout of the Tamang report.”

Anti-hero Former DIG Vanzara waves to supporters after appearing at a court
Anti-hero Former DIG Vanzara waves to supporters after appearing at a courtPhoto:  AP

Characteristically, Modi declared his party had won on the plank of development. Because he hadn’t campaigned in the by-election, he claimed his party was no longer dependent on him to draw the votes. But analysts say Modi is at his most vulnerable in his seven years as chief minister, due to his continuing and upcoming legal troubles.
These troubles have only added to the political damage to his standing after the BJP’s nationwide loss four months ago in the Lok Sabha elections, during which he was a star campaigner and projected as a future BJP prime ministerial aspirant. At the BJP’s botched brainstorming at Shimla last month, Modi had kept an unusually low profile, not the least because the Supreme Court had ordered that a Special Investigation Team (SIT) directly investigate his role in the 2002 massacre of Muslims in Gujarat during his tenure.
The lies of others Sohrabuddin Sheikh and Kausar Bi (above); The body of Sameer Khan (below)
The lies of others Sohrabuddin Sheikh and Kausar Bi (above); The body of Sameer Khan (below)
Photo:  Trupti Patel

Tamang’s report set the proverbial cat among Modi and his clutch of loyalist police officers, several of whom have allegedly acted as his henchmen from the time the police actively connived in or stood by and allowed the Muslim killings. Retired IPS officer RB Sreekumar, who has relentlessly fought to expose Modi’s alleged complicity in the 2002 pogrom, says these police officers are now threatened by the likely exposure of their roles in fake encounters. Tamang has named 21 policemen, including top officers such as the then Ahmedabad police commissioner KR Kaushik (who later became Gujarat’s Director-General of Police) and the then Crime Branch Joint Police Commissioner PP Pandey, for conspiring to murder Ishrat Jahan and the three others. “Some cops Tamang has named have conveyed to Modi that they won’t keep quiet like Vanzara has,” a source said speaking on the promise that he won’t be identified. “They have threatened that if a court finds them guilty, they would not hesitate to say that killing innocent Muslims was a state policy.”
DG Vanzara, a former Deputy Inspector General of Gujarat Police, is in jail since 2007 after being accused of masterminding the killing of Muslim businessman Sohrabuddin and his wife in 2006 and passing them off as terrorists. A widely known Modi loyalist, Vanzara headed the Ahmedabad Crime Branch when most encounters were carried out. Tamang has named him for planning the Ishrat Jahan encounter.
While Tamang’s findings have been widely reported, little is known of the behind-the-scenes bid since June to scuttle any probe into the encounter. After Tamang’s report became public, Gujarat government spokesman Jaynarayan Vyas denounced the magistrate — which might well be contempt of court because Tamang is a judicial officer — and claimed the encounter was genuine. The government told the High Court it didn’t know who had ordered the Tamang probe.
The truth is it was the Gujarat government that directed Ahmedabad’s Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (CMM), DM Patel, to speed up the magisterial inquiry. “A certain official in the Home Department made a phone call on August 12,” says a court official. “The same afternoon, CMM Patel assigned the inquiry to Tamang.” Patel promptly dispatched all the case documents, such as forensic reports and the FIR, to Tamang with the instruction to “immediately” complete the inquiry. (Patel was transferred out two days after the report hit the headlines.)
SO WHY did the Gujarat government seek a magisterial inquiry more than five years after the encounter? The answer lies in the trajectory of Shamima’s petition before the High Court, which came to life earlier this summer after languishing for nearly five years. On June 26, High Court judge Jhaveri ordered that the CBI be made a party in the case. This stunned the police officers behind the encounter who began pressuring Modi to scotch any CBI probe.

Arun Jaitley claimed that ‘siding with Ishrat Jahan’ proved costly for the Congress Party

At this point, two strategies were set into motion. One was to pressure the Union Home Ministry to tell the High Court that the encounter was genuine. The police officers involved reportedly contacted Rajendrakumar, a top official with the Intelligence Bureau (IB) based at New Delhi. He had been the Centre’s IB Joint-Director in Gujarat in 2004 when the encounter was carried out. (New Delhi-based rights activist Shabnam Hashmi says she had long ago communicated to the Centre that Rajendrakumar was close to Modi and Vanzara and played a key role in the fake encounters.)

THE TAMANG REPORT’S FINDINGS

How a three-week inquiry blew open a five-year conspiracy about the death of Ishrat Jahan

1The exit wounds of bullets were larger than the entry wounds. This proves they were shot from a close range. Many entry wounds were also higher than the exit woundsFinding: Those killed were sitting when they were shot. The killers stood next to them when they fired the shots 2Not one of the 70 bullets the police allegedly fired were found. Police said they shot at the car’s left side and burst a tyre, after which it hit the divider on the rightFinding: This is an obvious lie, because the car would have swerved left and not right if the left tyre was shot 3The wounds were from an AK-56 rifle and a 9mm pistol, which police didn’t own. These guns were instead found on those killed. Forensic tests found no remains of “exploded ammunition” on the deadFinding: The police planted the same guns on the dead men with which they killed them 4Only I-cards were found in their pockets. Why was Ishrat Jahan wearing her college I-Card around her neck at that hour? Not a single rupee was found on them. An unlocked briefcase with Rs 2 lakh was found in the bootFinding: The police planted the I-cards and cash after killing them 5The post mortem at 3.40pm on June 15, 2004 found that rigor mortis had set in. The deaths had thus occurred 12 to 24 hours earlier, that is, before 3.40am. But the police gave 4am as the time of the encounterFinding: The police killed the four people elsewhere and brought them to the site

It was on Rajendrakumar’s watch that the Central IB had sent a controversial “input” about possible terrorists of the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba coming into Gujarat to kill Modi. The Ahmedabad Crime Branch had cited this “input” to justify the encounter. Sources say Rajendrakumar now reached out to Union Home Minister P Chidambaram and “personally vouched” that the encounter was genuine. Chidambaram reportedly agreed that his ministry should file an affidavit in the High Court.

Unwary pawn Ishrat Jahan, 19-yearold Mumbai resident killed in an encounter
Unwary pawn Ishrat Jahan, 19-year-old Mumbai resident killed in an encounter

Meanwhile, things were moving fast at the High Court. On August 7, judge Jhaveri ruled that he would “explore the possibility of handing over the investigation to higher officer/s, that is, officer/s above the rank of Deputy Commissioner of Police, more particularly, from the cadre of Additional DG”. He adjourned this decision to the next hearing on August 12. Shortly, the Union Home Ministry filed an affidavit in Jhaveri’s court supporting the state’s claim on the encounter.
An aside to this affidavit. Sources say the Centre’s lawyer in Ahmedabad, Assistant Solicitor General PS Chapaneri, first refused to back the affidavit when a Union Home Ministry official, VS Mani, brought it. The reason? During an earlier hearing in the case, Chapaneri had verbally told the judge the Centre would be willing to hold a CBI probe. (Ever scared of being politically outmanoeuvered by Modi, the UPA government is in a characteristic flipflop over the question: which side does it stand on? Chidambaram last week said an intelligence input is “no license to kill”. This week, the Centre developed cold feet after deciding to appeal the Supreme Court against the stay on Tamang’s report.)
The second strategy was to hasten pending inquiries into the encounter. As it happened, a magisterial inquiry routinely begun in 2004 had never been completed. At that time, this inquiry was with an executive magistrate named Gaurav Prajapati, who was not a judicial officer. In 2006, following amendments to procedural law, the state government handed the inquiry to the judicial side. For three long years, this inquiry lay dormant, until the morning of August 12, the day Jhaveri was to rule on setting up a new probe.

The officers involved in the encounter began pressuring Modi to scotch any CBI probe

Jhaveri could take up the matter only on August 13, when he swiftly announced the setting up of a Special Investigation Team (SIT), consisting of three top police officers of Gujarat with the mandate “… to consider all the aspects from every angle, which are relevant for the purpose of finding out whether the incident was a genuine encounter or a fake one.” This SIT must file its report by November 30, the next date of hearing in the case.
It must be pointed out that the Gujarat government did not once denounce the formation of this SIT or insist that the Ishrat Jahan encounter was genuine, as it did after Tamang’s report came out. Is it because judge Jhaveri chose the police officers for the SIT from a list submitted by Advocate General KB Trivedi? Big question: if the Gujarat government believes that the encounter was genuine, then why hasn’t it approached the Supreme Court against the High Court order setting up the SIT?

Ihe UPA government is in a flip-flop over the Ishrat question: on which side does it stand?

(A month later, the SIT hasn’t started work because the Gujarat government is yet to issue relevant orders. The SIT includes at least one officer of dubious antecedent: Gujarat Police Inspector General JK Bhatt. Bhatt was one of the three officers whose investigation had claimed a conspiracy by Godhra’s Muslims to set the Sabarmati Express on fire on February 27, 2002. The theory stands discredited, including by a TEHELKA sting operation. Earlier this year, the Gujarat High Court ruled that the now lapsed Prevention of Terrorism Act was wrongly applied to about 100 Muslims charged for the train fire as no conspiracy had been established.)

On record Tehelka’s May 2007 exposé of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s involvement in the Sohrabuddin ‘fake’ encounter

NO DOUBT the SIT’s job is harder now. To find the encounter genuine it would have to trash Tamang’s report, which really makes the encounter an open-and-shut case, based on the forensic examinations.
“If there had been no Tamang report, the SIT could well have found the encounter genuine basing it entirely on the intelligence inputs,” says a lawyer connected with the case. “But now, the SITwill have to prove that the forensic discrepancies Tamang has exposed are wrong if it wants to find the encounter genuine.” But if the SIT upholds Tamang’s findings — that the 21 policemen conspired to kill Ishrat Jahan and three others in cold blood and falsely pass them off as terrorists — it could create a legal and political Frankenstein for Modi, for this would be the second encounter after the Sohrabuddin case to be questioned as genuine.
And that begs the question: Were “fake encounters” of Muslims a state policy under Modi? Retired IPS officer Sreekumar, who headed the state Intelligence Branch (State IB) during April-September 2002, claims that the then Director General of Police of Gujarat, K Chakravarty, called him up on May 1, 2002, and told him that the state government wanted such encounters to take place.
“Chakravarty told me that [the then Gujarat Chief Secretary] Subba Rao had told him that some Muslims should be eliminated,” Sreekumar told TEHELKA in Gandhinagar. “I told Subba Rao that if there is an encounter, I will do an inquiry and speak out against my colleagues if I find the encounters are fake.” Sreekumar says he began documenting such daily conversations in a diary, which he has put away at a secure place. Sreekumar was shunted out in September 2002. The first encounter took place the next month. Over the next four years, the Crime Branch killed some 17 alleged terrorists. In most cases, the police claimed that the terrorists had sneaked in with the purpose to kill Modi, BJP leader LK Advani and Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Praveen Togadia. Such encounters stopped after the arrest of Vanzara and several other police officers in the Sohrabuddin case.
Modi’s detractors have long admitted to his amazing political skills to overcome nearly all the legal troubles since the killings of Muslims, which made him India’s most controversial politician. But with the Supreme Court-appointed SIT set to investigate the chief minister’s role in the 2002 pogrom, and now the Tamang report calling the Ishrat Jahan encounter as fake, is it possible that the cat is about to use up its ninth life?
ajit@tehelka.com

Chariots Still Afire

YOU WOULD never think this of Lal Krishna Advani — the grand charioteer of Indian politics — but this politician, known for the Ram rath yatra, is not on a regimen of yoga, meditation or prayer. Ask Deepak Chopra, Advani’s long-standing private secretary of over two decades, about the 81-year-old neta’s routine and he says, proudly, “Advaniji suffers from good health.’’

Lal Krishna Advani
Lal Krishna Advani
Age: 81
Profession: Veteran politician, former deputy prime minister
Confession: Has a weakness for sweets and for Ekta Kapoor’s K serials, particularly Kyun Ki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi Photo: AFP

He should know. He is always around Advani – including at the 200-plus rallies that Advani hopped, skipped and jumped to in the May general elections as the BJP’s prime minister-in-waiting. The only sign of fatigue Advani betrayed — if it can be thus put — was his throat letting him down a couple of times. “That’s the only weak spot that cracks under campaign pressure,’’ says Chopra.
Advani, in fact, displays a stamina for work and was willing to continue being the leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha for a full five-year term, and if he is now talking of donning an elder’s role, it’s because of what the RSS wants and not due to any signals from his body.
The one signal that he absolutely succumbs to is his love for sweets. He is more disciplined about his food intake and as Deepak put it, “I have observed something unique. He has developed a habit of getting up from the dining table with hunger still within him.’’ This never-say-die politician is most peaceful around his family. And yes, Jinnah is not the only Pakistani legend Advani admires. He loves listening to Mallika Pukhraj and Ghulam Ali too.

The Satirist

I WANT TO hang on but I know it’s close,’’ the grand old sardar had said of death – four years ago. In a rare moment then, he had discussed death for over an hour and, looking out of the window, had said, “I often look at that tree and wonder how long I’ll be able to see it. I’ve seen it grow with me. I’d like to hang on but I question what will remain of me — some memory, some book. I’m mentally fit but am losing my strength. I saw my wife lose her mind and then I saw her become a vegetable. I have to prepare for that possibility.”

Khushwant Singh
Khushwant Singh
Age: 94
Profession: Possibly India’s best known writer. His column ‘With Malice Towards One and All’ continues to be popular
In the pipeline: He is currently writing another book. What it’s about, the world will have to just wait and see Photo: Shrad Saxena

He may be preparing for it, but Khushwant Singh, the raunchy raconteur and author of 30 books, is firmly focussed on life. Ask his son, Rahul Singh, what keeps his father going and the reply is quick: “Two shots of whisky every evening and all his women friends who drop in to seek his advice on their romantic lives.’’ Every evening — without fail — the former editor of The Illustrated Weekly puts his feet up on a stool (by the same window) in his living room and plays host to a select crowd of visitors between 7-8 pm. The bar at this elite central Delhi address has strict happy hours and there is a board at the main entrance that says, “Do not ring the bell, unless you are expected.”
Save for that one hour, Khushwant follows a strict regimen. He wakes up at 4 am before the crack of dawn and does all the crosswords in the daily newspapers, writes his column, takes a two-hour nap at noon, looks forward to the ‘happy hour,’ finishes his dinner by 8.30 pm and is fast asleep by 9.
He’s up again at 4 am the next day, and though he needs the support of a wall to walk and though he often picks up the landline at home only to say, “I am deaf, I can’t hear you, please send me a letter,’’ Khushwant is of perfect mental health and it’s not just his female friends who boost his energy. Urdu poetry and humour are steady, everyday companions and he needs them in equal doses.
Sikhs are known to be able to laugh at themselves, and recently when the grand old sardar found he was “bleeding from his bottom’’, as his son Rahul put it, Khushwant laughed about it, just as he now jokes about his inability to have sex. In the same interview four years ago, when asked what he misses most, he’d said, “Good sex. I already miss good sex and it’s been missing for some time. The day you can’t have sex is really the time for a man to go. But yes, I fantasise.”
Irreverence is one principle he’s measured his own life through, even writing his own obituary when he was in his 20s. His weekly column, ‘With Malice Towards One And All’ bears testimony to the fact that he is still in love with life. And life is what he’s focussed on, having already shed what he calls, “emotional baggage.’’ He has given everything away and says, “I have not a penny with me.” He has much more to share, and that he does, week after week, even if it is with malice!

The Bullet

Julio Ribeiro
Julio Ribeiro
Age: 80
Profession: Was DGP Punjab Police. He survived an assassination attempt while he was ambassador to Romania
On weekends: He is a regular at Sunday mass. He also loves going to the races Photo: Himmat Singh Shekhawat

AGE? “The best way to deal with it is to forget about it,’’ chuckles Julio Ribeiro. The former cop who became famous for his “bullet for bullet” policy in Punjab has long retired from uniform but not from policing, it seems. He is 80 and going strong and his mantra is simple – keep busy by doing something for society.
The anti-Muslim riots left a deep scar on this proud Mumbaikar who has relentlessly been working to combat communalism through mohalla committees. It is not unusual to spot Ribeiro in different slums, talking about communalism, corruption and domestic violence.
The only person who can slow down the unstoppable energy that so envelopes Ribeiro, is his wife Melba. Mention her name and his tone softens as he says, “She comes with me even for the slum meetings. We are separated only for about six hours everyday.’’ Love, too, has kept this man going.

No Cop Out

ASK KPS Gill, the veteran cop who is a household name from his Punjab days, if he feels like he is on the wrong side of age and the reply is an immediate and emphatic, “Certainly not’’. Ask him what still keeps him going and his list is long — his love for poetry, his liking for good company, the various challenges thrown at him from time to time, and yes, mental stimulation. Tease him about his love of female company and he laughs, saying, “men, women and children.”

KPS Gill
KPS Gill
Age: 75
Profession: Former DGP, Punjab.
Daily dose: He insists on cycling for an hour every day. As a man guarded by gun-toting commandos, he is forced to limit the cycling to the confines of his lawns Photo: Shailendra Pandey

Known as the man responsible for containing the Punjab insurgency in its most violent phase when the demand for ‘Khalistan’ saw grisly bus massacres — Hindu passengers were segregated and shot — Gill has courted controversy for violating human rights, for allegedly pinching the bottom of a senior bureaucrat and for being an advisor to Narendra Modi soon after the 2002 carnage.
Retirement has not seen the six-feet tall ‘super cop’ pale into the shadows, and as if in pure celebration of life, he pointedly says that if he is not penning a series of articles on Naxalism for a daily newspaper, he is in Vrindavan, spending time with poor children whom he gives free medical aid. In between, he finds he’s ‘breaking news’ on television channels for his controversial tenure as the President of the Indian Hockey Federation.
He is not living life at the same pace — the speed of a bullet — as he did through his challenging police assignments in Assam and Punjab, but Gill is enjoying his 70s; even if it is within the sometimes claustrophobic confines of his Lutyen’s bungalow in Delhi. He is a marked man and is constantly under the watchful gaze of gun-carrying commandos – even when he is cycling on the lawns, which he does regularly for an hour every day. That’s a must and an important part of his daily regimen.
He lives life king-size, he says, and like when he was a Director General of Police and people came calling on him at his office, visitors still turn up at his house. Once a regular at Delhi’s India International Centre — often referred to as the place where octogenarians meet — Gill now prefers his books as companions. “They never fail to stimulate me,’’ says the man who can look back on life and turn out several books himself. Perhaps a thought he might soak in, over his next tipple.

‘RSS Appointees Are Sent To Run The BJP Properly’

Veteran RSS leader MG Vaidya tells Ajit Sahi that the RSS wants to organise every section of Indian society along Hindu values

Old guard MG Vaidya
Old guard MG Vaidya
Photo: Nirmal Soni

So the RSS has moved in because the BJP was imploding. 
Kati patang.

Well, yes, that’s what Arun Shourie says. What do you think?
Not true. Stuff happens. These aren’t big things. They will pass.

Shourie says the RSS should take over the BJP.
What he means is that the RSS should intervene, pay greater attention to the BJP. So, yes, it should.

Just what is the relationship between the RSS and the BJP?
Why don’t you ever ask what’s the relationship between the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad? RSS and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh? RSS and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram? The relationship between the RSS and the BJP is the same as between the RSS and all its other offshoots. We don’t write their constitutions, or oversee their day-to-day functioning and projects, but yes, we have sent our people into them to help them run themselves.

LK Advani and Rajnath Singh have deferred to Mohan Bhagwat and will step down from their positions. This reminds us of what Sonia Gandhi said during the Lok Sabha elections: Advani is a slave of the RSS.
We’d like to make even Soniaji a slave. What does a slave mean? If Advani was a slave how could he have spoken favourably of Jinnah? There is total freedom in the RSS. If even I am not a slave of the RSS, how can Advani be its slave? In its 84-year existence, the RSS has not once had reason to bring disciplinary action against anyone in its ranks. We believe in persuasion, not force.

Commentators such as Swapan Dasgupta have been suggesting that the BJP should move away from Hindutva and evolve a new paradigm to win elections. 
Unki marzi
 [It’s up to them]. Sudheendra Kulkarni said the same, so I said, ok, go ahead. Break off from Hindutva, if that’s what the BJP wants.

But Rajnath Singh said the BJP is committed to Hindutva.
Doesn’t this tell you something about the BJP? Rajnath said the BJP must continue to espouse Hindutva. So that ends the debate, right?

What is the role of the RSS appointees who work inside the BJP as Organising Secretaries?
Isliye ki party theek dhung se chaley [So that the party is run properly]. The first in this role was Deendayal Upadhayay with the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. We have sent people like Sunder Singh Bhandari and Kushabhau Thakre to the BJP in this role. The last person was Sanjay Joshi. Now it is Ramlal. They work very closely with the RSS.

Walls not a prison make

Terror accused dare to take on their brutal jailers – and win
Ajit Sahi Editor-at-Large
We who live in prison, and in whose lives there is no event but sorrow, have to measure time by throbs of pain, and the record of bitter moments — Oscar Wilde
FOR SOME months, 22-year-old Saeed has worked as a “recovery agent” for a bank in Pune, chasing credit card defaulters. No one at work knows his fraught second life. His father, Sohail, in jail now for nearly three years, is accused of bombing Mumbai local trains in July 2006 and killing 187 people.
Sohail is a Kafka protagonist in Catch-22. He can’t seek bail because his trial hasn’t started. His trial hasn’t started because the Supreme Court has stayed it. The Supreme Court has stayed it because Sohail has challenged it as unlawful, arguing that the law under which he is being tried is unconstitutional. He has asked the Supreme Court to declare this law illegal and set him free. Until the Supreme Court rules on Sohail’s challenge to the law, the trial is stayed. Because the trial is stayed, Sohail fails to get bail.
Brought to Mumbai’s Central Prison in 2006, Sohail and his fellow accused were quickly branded traitors not just by the jail staff but also by the “regular” prisoners and faced all-round hatred and contempt. This prejudice erupted on June 28, 2008, when the jail staff brutally assaulted him and 26 other inmates in the prison, raining blows, belts, bamboo sticks and stones on them, smashing their heads, breaking their bones and spilling blood.
Jail authorities claimed that the prisoners had rioted unprovoked shouting Pakistan Zindabad, Hindustan Murdabad [Long live Pakistan, Down with India] and attacked the jail staff. The rare mention that the story found in local newspapers merely copy-pasted this official version.
But such is human spirit that, no matter how beaten, it gathers enough valour to fight the unlikeliest of battles. The father-son duo of Sohail-Saeed did exactly that, filing a case against the jail authorities despite the odds and actually winning a favourable ruling. Indeed, the order of Bombay High Court judges Bilal Nazki and AR Joshi, delivered on July 21, 2009, does not just bring justice to Sohail and the others the prison staff brutally attacked. The ruling is historic because it restores the Constitutional rights of tens of thousands of inmates who face indignities and brutalities inside Indian prisons without let or hindrance. It also prescribes criminal prosecution of the jail staff for brutalising the inmates.
Write the judges: “… We have found [that] force was used against the under trial prisoners for no fault of theirs. Force was used excessively for extraneous reasons and [the] law was also flouted. Even as a formality, the Jail Manual was not followed. We, therefore, direct the Chief Secretary, State of Maharashtra to initiate [a] disciplinary inquiry against all the Officers involved in the incident… If need be, in addition to the departmental inquiry, criminal action be also initiated against the concerned Officers.”
Moreover, the judges unequivocally lay down that the jail authorities have no authority over an inmate’s life: “Once a charge sheet has been filed, nobody has authority over the custody of an under-trial except the court… It has to be remembered that the convicts or the under-trials are human beings and they have to be treated like human beings. The jail authorities who have custody over them have [a] special responsibility to protect their rights and in fact they are their custodian, reformer and counsellor.”
“They cannot assume the role by which they turn into [a] villain. They in fact should command respect from the prisoners and that respect should come as a result of their conduct with prisoners. This is no longer in debate in this country whether or not the prisoners have fundamental rights available to them as this has been decided in [a] number of cases by the Supreme Court.”
There’s more. The judges slam the Jail Superintendent at the Central Prison, Swati Sathe, a female officer whose brutalities are legend among former and current inmates, and who, it is widely held, runs her fiefdom on mafia-style intimidation and threats. (A news photographer in Mumbai recalls that when once he took her picture she thus threatened him: “Destroy it now, or I will have you picked up.” He complied.)
The judges write: “One cannot condone the conduct of the jail authorities particularly the Superintendent of the Jail because all other Officers must have done what they did under her command. [The] least said about this conduct, is [that it] was shameful. Jail Superintendents in a free democratic republic behaving inside the jail like a dictator is not acceptable. Such Officials if left to manage the jail would negate all the principles on which our democratic set up is built.”

‘Force was used against the prisoners for no fault of theirs. The law was flouted. If need be, criminal action be initiated against jail authorities’

A departmental inquiry has since been started against Sathe. Sohail’s lawyer, Shahid Azmi, told me that on behalf of his client, he would seek her criminal prosecution once the departmental inquiry is completed.
ON JUNE 28, 2008, Saeed had reached the jail with a lunch of mutton for his father but was stopped at the gates. An hour later, being driven away in a van, his bloodied father had managed to shout at him, “We have all been badly beaten.”

Cleaning out the Augean Stables

With the BJP turning away from self-correction and factionalism spilling out into the open, the RSS has decided to rein in the BJP. Ajit Sahi reports

Taking Charge Mohan Bhagwat (centre) after being appointed chief of the RSS in March, 2009
Taking Charge Mohan Bhagwat (centre) after being appointed chief of the RSS in March, 2009
Photos: Monica Chaturvedi

THE TIMING couldn’t be worse for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the organisation whose diktat was once binding on its political child, the BJP, on every issue from core ideology to its leadership. In a television interview broadcast on Tuesday on the news channel Times Now, Mohan Bhagwat, who was appointed RSS chief four months ago, chided the BJP for its infighting and disarray and warned its leadership to take charge … or else.
It turns out that the BJP has little time for such advice. On August 19, a day after the interview was broadcast, the party expelled Jaswant Singh, a party stalwart and a founder member, who had been in charge of the external affairs and finance ministries in BJP-led Central governments between 1998 and 2004.
Ignoring Bhagwat’s stern advisory to resolve issues internally, the BJP leadership also read out the riot act to former Rajasthan Chief Minister, Vasundhara Raje during its three-day brainstorming meeting at Shimla this week. Raje has refused to quit as the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajasthan Assembly – a post she assumed after she was voted out of power in last November’s elections in the state.
Disgusted at the open infighting in the BJP, the Nagpur-based RSS blames the BJP’s top two leaders, Lal Krishna Advani and party president Rajnath Singh, for the party’s mess and says the duo have failed to bring the BJP back on the rails since its stunning loss to the Congressled coalition in last May’s Lok Sabha elections. “Advani will have to go,” an RSS functionary bluntly told TEHELKA in New Delhi, declining to be identified.“Yeh sab kachra saaf hoga (All this garbage will be cleaned up).”
The RSS has, in fact, been pushing for a change in the BJP’s top leadership since the Lok Sabha elections. Its top functionaries have been upset with Advani for continuing to be the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha after the defeat. Bhagwat claimed in his TV interview that Advani first told him he would step down from the position that he held in the outgoing Lok Sabha, but changed his mind a few days later, citing “pressure from within the party” to stay on.
Not that the RSS has had any love lost for Jaswant Singh, one of those rare BJP veteran who have never been RSS members. Deeply hurt at his expulsion from the party that he helped found, Singh was never particularly liked by the conservative RSS brigade, who found him too westernised for their liking.
An RSS leader recalls with irritation that Jaswant Singh disclosed in his previous book that he had opened a bottle of whiskey to drink up after completing one of his most trying assignments – ferrying top Islamic terrorists from an Indian prison to Afghanistan in exchange for the safe return of a planeload of Indian passengers who had been hijacked and held hostage for a week in December 1999. “The RSS prides itself on promoting Indian values and cultures,” the RSS leader said. “What message do we send out to our cadres by talking so openly about drinking alcohol?”
Another reason for the RSS’s anger with Jaswant Singh has been his meddling in the politics of his home state of Rajasthan in order to destabilise Vasundhara Raje. Two years ago, Jaswant Singh’s wife had filed a criminal case against Vasundhara Raje after posters had appeared in Rajasthan depicting the former chief minister as the Hindu goddess Durga.
A third and perhaps the biggest reason for their anger with Jaswant Singh was his decision to contest this year’s Lok Sabha election from the mountainous constituency of Darjeeling in West Bengal, a seat he won with the overt support of a clutch of political outfits that harbour separatist tendencies.

Drop the ‘We are Victims’ Stance

Credible information post 26/11 is not enough if India doesn’t act on it
Harinder Baweja

Illustration: Anand Naorem

PRIME MINISTER Manmohan Singh has informed us once again that “There is credible information of ongoing plans of terrorist groups in Pakistan to carry out fresh attacks.” Describing cross-border terrorism as “the most pervasive threat” facing India, the prime minister stressed the need for continuing vigilance. After the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai, the Prime Minister, should in fact, be asking senior ministers and bureaucrats in his own government this: what are you doing with this ‘credible information’? Even if Manmohan Singh’s statement was an attempt at putting pressure on Pakistan to accelerate its investigation against those involved for the Mumbai attack, he still needs to be asking his team for daily reports on what they are doing with the credible intelligence.
A rigorous analysis of advance information is the only effective way of thwarting attacks but a careful look at our past record only points to talk and little action. Let us just take a few heavy-duty statements that preceded the Mumbai attacks. Defence Minister AK Antony had himself informed the Lok Sabha that “Pakistan based terrorist groups, particularly the Lashkar-e-Toiba LeT have been exploring possibilities of induction of manpower and terrorist hardware through the sea route.” Then, former Home Minister Shivraj Patil too had categorically said, “Some Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) operatives are also being trained specifically for sabotage of oil installations. There are plans to occupy some uninhabited islands off the country’s coastline to use them as bases for launching operations on the Indian coast…”
Yet, the LeT succeeded in hitting Mumbai with both, impunity and ferocity. India quickly moved into ‘martyr and victim’ mode. But now, as the Prime Minister informs us of the possibility of another 26/11 attack, is it enough to just mount diplomatic pressure and not seriously attempt at refurbishing our own internal security apparatus? Should our politicians and security establishment not pay a price? Is it enough to only set up inquiry committees?
Several committees have submitted voluminous reports in the past. Back in 2001, after the sharp but short war in the mountainous heights of Kargil, the Girish Saxena Committee gave a report on the country’s intelligence apparatus. The report recommended an overhaul of technical, imaging, signal and, electronic counter-intelligence capabilities. The recommendations were accepted by a Group of Ministers (GoM) but in the seven years since they gave the report their stamp of approval, it has never been implemented beyond a few symbolic changes. More importantly, the Saxena Committee had called for a Multi-Agency Centre (MAC) to be set up under the Intelligence Bureau (IB). The MAC was to collect and coordinate terrorism-related information. It is functional, but under-staffed and underequipped. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh released funds for MAC only after the bomb attack in Delhi in September 2008, seven years after the Committee first recommended that it be set up.

Blame Pakistan and ISI for sure, but how about some accountability? Isn’t it time for heads to roll at home?

The most indicting finding of the still to be tabled Ram Pradhan Committee — set up to probe the 26/11 intelligence lapses — is that the Multi Agency Centre had not even marked its alerts to Mumbai’s Commissioner in charge of the state intelligence department. This officer, ostensibly supposed to be the fountainhead of all intelligence gathered by IB, RAW and other central agencies had, in fact, not even received a single one.
Blame Pakistan and its ISI for sure, but isn’t it time for heads to roll at home? Time too, Mr Prime Minister, to drop the martyr victim act. If there is credible evidence, assure us, that it is being acted upon.

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