
The moment you find out that the name of one of the protagonists (Khemu) in Go Goa Gone is Hardik, you count the minutes to the inevitable joke. It comes about 30 minutes into the film — to the film’s credit, as a throwaway line in the beginning of the first song. It illustrates what the film’s comedy is all about: using the ‘A’ certificate and a Beavis-and-Butthead sensibility to go for the easy laughs, yet understanding that simply punning on the name Hardik isn’t enough to carry a film in 2013.
Instead, Raj and DK’s “first Indian zombie film” — conveniently forgetting the Ramsay Brothers’ 1971 Do Gaz Zameen Ke Neeche and even last month’s Luke Kenny-starring Rise of the Zombie — relies on smart writing and a genre awareness that ensures it isn’t another illogical blood-and-gore thriller. Go Goa Gone is neither a Night of the Living Dead nor a Shaun of the Dead; neither a generic horror film nor an overt parody. It is a fairly conventional slacker comedy, a watered-down Delhi Belly (though I suppose the urtext for the Indian slacker zombie genre is Jugal Mody’s recent novel Toke).
The smart writing shows itself in the lack of obvious logical discrepancies in the film. I spent an hour before watching this film reading through some of the Vigil Idiot’s recent reviews-cum-comics of other 2013 Bollywood releases, and found myself cringing afresh at the contrived plots of the films I’ve had to review this year. Go Goa Gone, at least ostensibly, keeps it within the rails. Faced with the prospect of their rave party on a Goan island turning into some sort of apocalyptic event, Hardik, Luv and Bunny actually pause to think about what they are up against, even if, as Hardik points out, it really doesn’t make much difference to their chances of survival that it’s zombies and not vampires.
Much of the humour is derived from their constant attempts at make sense of the confusion (“We know nothing and we’ve learned ghanta” is the response to Luv’s attempts at Socratic reasoning), especially when they acknowledge, unlike most other horror films, that there already exists a century’s worth of horror films. At one point, Luv uses a technique he says he saw in some movie — Shaun of the Dead — and tries to blend in with the zombies. At another, Bunny breaks the fourth wall and complains that as the heroes’ boring friend, he’s going to be the first to die.
Something tells me Saif Ali Khan took the role only because he gets to say “I’ll be back!” He says it in the worst possible manner; what else do you expect from an Indian using a fake Russian accent to quote an Austrian-American? The hideous accent is priceless (“Come and get me, mother-bitches!”), especially when he drops in the odd Dilli gaali. As the badass (fake) Russian mobster who will sherpa our heroes out of the island, he has a license to ham and be the Hollywood action hero he’s always wanted to be, which he takes gleefully. But the film’s most powerful scene also centres on him, as he is forced to cut loose his trusted ally Nikolai once the latter gets bitten.
Sure, the film gets repetitive after the interval, and sure, much of the humour is trite stoner jokes (“We should form a Bharatiya Joint Party,” Hardik giggles in the opening scene). Also agreed: the lack of badass villains makes it a distinctly poor cousin of Delhi Belly. But Go Goa Gone works as a result of its charming lunacy, and makes a great case for similar films in the days to come.
‘I am drawn to people who are anti-establishment’

If not canonical Bengali filmmakers, what and who informs your cinema and your music?
I never watched Indian films in particular. I started looking at cinema because of the post- 1990s digital film movement, especially Dogme 95, an avant-garde film movement from which several directors I admire emerged, such as Lars von Trier. I taught myself filmmaking from them. I ran away from the music that I was exposed to growing up in Kolkata. Psy-trance, digital music influenced me heavily, as did going back to the music of the Asian Underground.
What books and papers do you read?
Growing up in Bengal in the 1980s, my father had a lot of socialist material. A favourite was Misha, a Russian comic. I avoid the phenomenon of news because truth is never revealed. I would rather read alternative information streams that can be classified as leftist liberal. Irvine Welsh largely influences my work. It’s quite difficult to access his language, but his is the ideology of the subaltern, the subculture. He talks about lives I know. There is no difference between a Welsh mining town and a subaltern place in Bengal. We try to hide the degree of madness he brings out. There are also the manga works of Shintaro Kago and Osamu Tezuka. We get limited exposure to what’s outside our domain, and Tezuka was one of the few mangakas who could be accessed.
What sort of people are you drawn to?
Delinquents. People who are anti-establishment, who rebel and question. This could be because I grew up in a socialist environment, with the word revolution associated with everything.
On-screen and off-screen, what do you think of sex, love and marriage?
There is no on-screen and off-screen for me. I embody my work. What I’ve always felt about society and sexuality is in my art. My major subject is individual sexual identity. Love is a manufactured reality, sex is the only truth and marriage a social phenomenon. Love is an abstract concept. How is it that everyone in the world can feel love, yet for a normal person abstraction is unreal?
[Live Blog] Congress wins absolute majority in Karnataka
05:39 pm – Meanwhile, the Congress has crossed the finish line in Karnataka. With 20 seats left to declare, it now has 113 seats and leads in eight more. The JD(S) and BJP both have totals of 40 seats. There will be no kingmaker; the Congress will rule on its own. Who the CM will be is still unclear, as the candidates say the High Command will decide, while the High Command says the legislators will do so. It’s been a pleasure bringing the results to you. Thanks for reading.
05:34 pm – Another major debacle for the BJP has been in coastal Karnataka, where it held eight of the 12 seats in the districts of Dakshin Kannada and Udupi. It’s gained one and lost seven seats to finish on two seats, both won with margins of less than 5,000 votes. In Shimoga district, another stronghold where it held five of the seven seats, it has been wiped out. Moreover, it didn’t finish second in any of those seats, coming third in two, fourth in four and fifth in the last seat. Both these regions have been the epicentre of what Rana Ayyub calls the party’s “Hindutva Lab 2.0” in this article. Tehelka’s Imran Khan and G Vishnu exposed the BJP’s Hindutva strategy in this scathing piece.
THE IMPUNITY with which these groups operate also stems from the political backing they seem to have got over the years. In August 2007, the then deputy home minister BS Yeddyurappa dropped as many as 51 cases against Sangh Parivar activists, including Shri Ram Sene chief Pramod Muthalik. According to media reports dated 28 January 2009 (four days after the infamous pub attack case), the state Cabinet withdrew more than 42 cases registered against Muthalik.
In an interview with G Vishnu, political analyst Shiv Sunder discusses the reasons for the BJP’s drubbing in these areas.
04:38 pm – The Congress has officially won 100 seats now.
04:24 pm – So the tally so far, with 173 seats declared:
Congress: Won 95, Leads 27, Total 122
JD(S): Won 32, Leads 9, Total 41
BJP: Won 28, Leads 11, Total 39
KJP: Won 4, Leads 1, Total 5
Others: Won 14, Leads 2, Total 16
The KJP is second in 37 seats, so they can take heart from their maiden performance.
04:00 pm – The Supreme Court’s stern remarks on the CBI have cast a dampener on the Congress, especially since a large part of their reading of their verdict has been that it is one against corruption. Another interesting facet of the election result is that the effect of the KJP on the BJP’s tally has been overstated. In Bombay-Karnataka, its tally fell from 33 to 13, and it lost 25 seats, while gaining five. Of the 25 seats it lost, the combined tally of the BJP and KJP exceeds the winner’s in only seven seats. And in most of these, the combined party would still have struggled to win. Statewide, the vote shares of the two parties comes to 23 percent, a full 19 percentage points below the Congress. This has been a rout, and not only because of Yeddyurappa’s exit.
02:36 pm – This was inevitable.
Alex Ferguson has taken responsibility for BJP’s defeat in Karnataka.
— Eshers (@eshers) May 8, 2013
02:33 pm – The Others, who stand at 21 seats right now, includes one member of the Samajwadi Party. “What?!”, you might respond. “When did Karnataka get so many Yadavs?” a colleague asked. Turns out, the winning candidate, CP Yogeshwara, was actually a 15-year incumbent, who had joined the party after leaving the BJP. He beat Anita Kumaraswamy, wife of JD(S) president HD Kumaraswamy, by 16,500 votes. 02:12 pm – Of course, there’s also the little matter of the Supreme Court’s order on Coalgate, which is due out soon. Just kidding, it’s pretty big, and could conceivably lead to the Prime Minister being asked to resign. Tehelka will bring you the latest. Read our cover story on the issue. 02:01 pm – The latest tally has the Congress at 119, JD(S) at 41 and the BJP at 39. But the big news that is going to overshadow, at least among the Bengaluru youth, this “most important day in our political history in the last five years”, as Arnab calls this Wednesday, is that Alex Ferguson has retired today as manager of Manchester United. Woah. He wasn’t even as old as Manmohan Singh. 01:30 pm – Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas Veerappa Moily has endorsed current Leader of the Opposition Siddaramaiah for the CM’s post, and denied that he wants the job himself. Of course, he goes on to say that he never asked for his current job either, that it was handed to him in the interest of the nation. Sonia Gandhi has said that the legislators will decide the next chief minister. PM Manmohan Singh says the victory is a victory against corruption. 01:09 pm – The KJP is currently leading in eight seats and second in 35. In three of those seats, it trails the Congress candidates by less than 100 votes. In Tarikere, DS Suresh (KJP) trails GH Srinivasa (INC) by 15 votes. Overall, the BJP and JD(S) are now tied at 40 seats, while the Congress has gone up to 116. Rajdeep Sardesai is rightly smug about getting it right with his exit poll. 12:44 pm – Sorry Dhananjaya Kumar, even the EC website is giving a majority to the Congress. It gives the Congress 113 wins and leads, the JD(S) 39, the BJP 42 and Others 24. That’s mostly settled, then. The CM stakes are now open, and that is a question unlikely to be settled soon. From Ashok Malik’s preview:
ON 8 MAY, on its part, the Congress could be contemplating quite a different sort of puzzle: deciding on a chief minister. As Shastri puts it wryly, “Legally 34 people can become Cabinet ministers in Karnataka. And the Congress has more than 34 chief ministerial candidates.”
12: 23 pm –
BJP wipe out in coastal Karnataka is significant. Clear rebuff of Sangh Parivar’s intense ultra-Hindutva agenda in the region — Shoma Chaudhury (@ShomaChaudhury) May 8, 2013
12:22 pm – So who will be the next CM?
Siddaramaiah wins; war for CM’s post in Congress begins.
— Imran Khan(@imrankhanjourno) May 8, 2013
@geevishnu Parameshwar is out- he has lost. The fight will be between Siddu and Kharge. There might be a dark horse- only high command knows
— Imran Khan(@imrankhanjourno) May 8, 2013
12:15 pm – Current leads, as per the EC: Congress 106, JD(S) 42, BJP 35, KJP 11, Others 17. Counting’s going a little slow, because the counting machines have had issues.
12:04 pm – Even though the BJP is losing its stronghold of Dakshin Kannada, Tehelka’s Imran Khan says Hindutva might not be dead yet.
It’s foolish to say end of Hindutva in Dakshin Kannada. Even congress peddles soft hindutva there.
— Imran Khan(@imrankhanjourno) May 8, 2013
Also, here’s the full interview with the KJP’s Dhananjaya Kumar.
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11:53 am – Padmaraj Dandavati, Executive Editor of the Kannada daily Prajavani talks to Tehelka’s G Vishnu about the elections. It’s everything you ever wanted to know about Kannada politics but were too afraid to ask. Take a listen.
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11:47 am – Meanwhile, Parliament has been adjourned sine die.
11:43 am – Here’s Tehelka’s full coverage of the Karnataka elections, for your reading pleasure as the lunch break beckons (we’re still waiting for breakfast from the Kannada restaurant around the corner, but they’re probably glued to the television screens as well). On Twitter, S Irfan Habib is cautioning the Congress against overcelebrating.
May celebrate victory in Karnataka, like all victories are celebrated but Congress should never take this as any indicator for 2014.
— S Irfan Habib (@irfhabib) May 8, 2013
Actually, the Karnataka elections are an indicator for the general elections. In the last three elections, the single largest party has gone on to lose in the national polls.
11:30 am – You know, there might be something to what Dhananjaya Kumar is saying. The networks are projecting 115-odd seats for the Congress, with ~35 for the BJP and ~40 for the JD(S). The Election Commission gives 37 to the BJP and 41 to the JD(S), but only 97 to the Congress. Could the news channels be overestimating the Congress’ tally? Stay tuned to find out. (Worst. Cliffhanger. Ever.)
11:24 am – KJP spokesperson Dhananjaya Kumar tells Tehelka, “The Congress is not going to do as well as being predicted. We are looking at reaching 20 seats. The Congress should be wise; we will be the kingmakers.” Hmm. As Ravi Shastri would say, is there a twist in the tale?
11:20 am – Third Front? What Third Front? Kumaraswamy says he cares only about Karnataka politics.
11:17 am – HD Kumaraswamy, former CM and JD(S) chief, says he is neither a king nor a kingmaker, that it is up to the people to decide. He says his party will be content sitting in opposition.
11:13 am – The EC’s tally as it stands: the Congress has 97 leads, JD(S) 40, BJP 35, Others 30.
11:10 am – Everyone predicted that the KJP would play spoiler to the BJP, and it’s coming true. The Congress is leading among seats with a sizeable Lingayat population, as the KJP-BJP contest fragments their votes. Even in coastal Karnataka, the RSS bastion, the Congress is romping home. This is getting ugly for the BJP.
11:03 am – After network issues and a frantic change of computer, we’re back. The networks are saying that the Congress has crossed the halfway mark in leads. As for the chief ministerial candidates, Pradesh Congress chief G Parameshwara is trailing in Koratagere by 1500 votes.
10:33 am – The first actual result is coming in. Shakuntala Devi (INC) has won Puttur. The seat is a bellwether for the Mangalore region, an RSS bastion. Could the BJP be losing its ‘communal lab’ as well?
10:23 am – As Arnab hyperventilates about how he’s never seen an election where the ruling party loses the seats that lean towards it (Seriously? He’s never seen an election with a substantial anti-incumbency swing?), we change channels to CNN-IBN for some R&R for our eyes and ears. It’s practically soothing.

10:09 am – Arnab and Co have been relentlessly trying to push what they call The Bansal Effect. No, it’s not the high percentage of Bangalore engineers who took IITJEE classes at Bansal Classes in Kota, but the Congress losing a few seats due to the Pawan Bansal corruption scandal, which the networks unimaginatively called Bribegate, before changing to the slightly better Railgate. Cho Ramaswamy’s not buying it; he says voters made up their minds much before the story broke, and that the vote is primarily an anti-BJP one. Lead update: Congress 69, JD(S) 36, BJP 25, Others 20.
10:01 am – The JD(S) has been the surprise today. They were expected to be consigned to third place, but they’re ahead of the BJP by 30 to 24. The Congress continues to lead in 61, with 132 seats reporting.
09:54 am – Abhishek Manu Singhvi is almost sulking when he says the JD(S) is always stealing their seats. There, there. There’s always Yeddy to do the same for the BJP.
09:52 am – The EC now has 111 seats, half of the 223 seats being counted. The Congress is leading in 53, BJP in 19 and the JD(S) in 24.
09:47 am – The BJP’s Siddharth Nath Singh is already changing the subject, saying that the Congress’ optimism will soon disappear once the Supreme Court’s Coalgate verdict comes in later. General shouting ensues. Meanwhile, reputed political analyst Kamaal R Khan weighs in:
Congratulations to Modi ji for losing elections of Karnataka. RT this if you support BJP.
— Kamaal R Khan – KRK (@kamaalrkhan) May 8, 2013
09:40 am – Lead updates from the EC website: Cong 45, BJP 16, JD(S) 19, Others 15.
09:31 am – FIREWALL BREACH! No, the Tehelka website isn’t being attacked by angry trolls (at least, not yet). It’s Arnab’s latest gimmick after the spectrum last time around. The BJP is being trounced in its bastions, it seems. Not really, but the Congress is eating into its seats in the Lingayat-majority Bombay Karnataka region. Jagadish Shettar, meanwhile, tells Tehelka, “These are early trends. I will only be able to comment when the results are out.” Alrighty, then.
09:21 am – Ok, the EC’s website is finally getting up and smelling the coffee, so I’m going to be relying on their eminently reliable numbers. It’s behind the Times, but so are all of us. With 52 seats reporting leads, the BJP leads in eight, the Congress in 22, the JD(S) in 14 and others in eight.
09:10 am – You know it’s a special day when they give us lowly live-bloggers coffee instead of the usual milky tea. Lead update: Congress 43, BJP 26, JD(S) 15, KJP 3.
09:08 am – Meanwhile on Twitter…
BJP fired a corrupt CM. They will lose Karnataka. If they had kept him, they’d have won.If voters don’t care for corruption,who’s to blame?
— Chetan Bhagat (@chetan_bhagat) May 6, 2013
09:03 am – As Arnab sagely puts it, though, the BJP is leading in BJP strongholds, while the Congress’ leads come from across the state. Politics in Karnataka is essentially regional.
09:00 am – If you’re curious about where we’re getting our numbers from, we’ve got Arnab Goswami jumping around a large map on the big TV, but will eventually shift to the official Election Commission website once their numbers start coming in. Times Now is giving the Cong 31 leads, the BJP 22, the JD(S) 12 and the KJP only two.
08:52 am – BS Yeddyurappa was instrumental in bringing the BJP to power in a southern state for the first time. Today, he is likely to hamstring that very party by playing spoiler in the Lingayat-majority seats of Bombay Karnataka. Ashok Malik, in his excellent preview (read it here if you haven’t already), says the BJP’s losses are most likely going to be concentrated in these areas.
08:47 am – So what do the exit polls say about Karnataka? Well, they all said that the Congress would reach the finishing line of 112. CVoter gave 114 to the Congress, 55 to the BJP, 34 to the JD(S) and 11 to Yeddy’s KJP. CNN IBN-The Week’s exit poll said the Congress would win 110 to 116, while the BJP and JD(S) would get 43 to 53 each.
08:31 – Congress CM aspirant Siddaramaiah leads in Varuna
08:30 am -Congress leads in 4 seats, BJP leads in 3, the JD(S) leads in 3 seat while the KJP leads in 2 seats
08:25 am -Congress leads in 4 seats, BJP leads in 2, the JD(S) leads in 3 seat while the KJP leads in 2 seats
08:23 am -Congress leads in 3 seats, BJP leads in 2 seats while the JD(S) leads in 3 seats
08:19 am -Congress leads in 2 seats, BJP leads in 1 while the JD(S) leads in 1 seat. Of the 4 seats for which leads are in, BJP won 3 of these seats in the last Assembly election.
08:17 am – Early leads emerge from Karnataka. Congress leads in 2 seats while BJP leads in 1 seat
08:12 am – Last year, a survey conducted by a local media house in Karnataka gave the Congress as much as 40 percent of the popular vote. In December 2012, local media outlets Suvarna News and Kannada Prabha commissioned an opinion poll that gave the Congress 37 percent of the vote and 115 seats. An opinion poll published in TEHELKA on 9 February said the Congress was likely to win 37 percent of the vote and get 133 seats. The BJP, on the other hand, would stop at 28 percent of the popular vote and come down to 63 seats. | Read Ashok Malik’s article on the politics in Karnataka
08:07 am – The counting of votes has begun across Karnataka. This is one of the most anticipated elections before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections
Pakistan: A House Deeply Divided

Make no mistake. The 11 May General Election has sharply divided Pakistan. The back-slapping commentariat has been congratulating fellow Pakistanis for democratically voting out a government. Before the end of the next week, Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, whose Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has won the most seats in the National Assembly, will become prime minister. This election is being touted as a deepening of representative democracy in Pakistan because it is the first-ever “smooth” transition from one elected civilian government to another.
But in truth, as with many elections in Pakistan in the past, this time, too, there is widespread belief that the results have been manipulated. Of course, it may never be known if the charge is accurate or not. It must be stressed though that the world would be in error if it believed that Pakistanis see this election much differently from the past ones. They don’t. Perhaps they are angrier than in the past as for the first time the charge that an elector may have rigged the vote is the elephant in the room. In a rush to hail Pakistan’s arrival as a nation of elections, no one wants to talk of vote manipulation.
| If chance will have him king | Embracing the future, while stuck in the past | |
| An old war horse make s a bid to become Pakistan’s prime minster a third time since 1990. All he needs is to not be bowled by the cricketer | By Jason Burke | Sharif and Imran hardsell a naya Pakistan, but remain tight-lipped about the details | By Ayesha Siddiqa | |
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| “My brothers,” calls the rotund, balding, middle-aged man on the stage. The words, distorted by a poor public address system, are barely audible. “My brothers,” crackles again across the stadium in Sargodha, a nondescript small city in central Punjab, Pakistan. The stadium is ringed with trees and birds flap overhead. In the distance there are the craggy hills of the salt range against a setting sun. “Today I feel a revolution has come to this town,” the man is saying. “I have a passion for change. Is it not change that has come? Am I not a revolutionary?” | There is a lot of visible excitement in the streets of most urban centres in Pakistan. The last time there was even greater public involvement was during the 1970 election when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto promised change for the betterment of the downtrodden people against the 21 rich families of the country. The 11 May election is accompanied with a lot of passion and expectation of a naya (new) Pakistan, which is expected to be different from a corruption-ridden country led by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). | |
| Nawaz Sharif, in a white salwar kameez and a brown waistcoat, raises both arms. Earlier, an excited warm-up speaker had informed the crowd in hushed admiration that Sharif had asked for the glass plates protecting the rostrum from sniper fire to be removed. The 63-year-old tycoon glances down at his notes and calms noisy supporters at the front of the crowd with a downward movement of his palms. |
In the past five years, the term ‘Zardari’ has become synonymous with financial mismanagement on an enormous scale and poor governance. Notwithstanding deliberate and focussed propaganda against one party, the PPP and its leadership ought to share the blame for mismanaging the country. Moreover, its leadership was almost absent from the lives of ordinary people. |
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| Read More> | Read More> |
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As Pakistan goes to polls on 11 May, one political party in particular is being targeted by the Pakistani Taliban
Wounded Pakistan trudges to vote
The PPP, MQM and ANP have banded together in the final stretch before the elections, and are venting their rage at the parties that do seem to have been largely spared the brunt of the militants’ attacks
Will the army bite the bullet on Musharraf?
Allowing him to be punished will set an unwelcome precedent for the military
Election rigging that borders on farce
The process of weeding out corrupt candidates is not as simple as it seems
A party in search of a future leader
Why the young Bilawal Bhutto may fail to stop the PPP’s downward slide
Pakistan: In the mood for hope
With the general election just seven weeks away, Pakistan is looking for its saviour, writes Emmanuel Derville
For Zardari, five years of lost opportunities
The PPP regime huffs and puffs past the finish line, leaving behind a toxic legacy
Read More>
Turn Of The Prince
On 16 March, the Pakistan People’s Party government will complete its five-year term – a first in the history of Pakistan’s electoral politics. As the party prepares for the next election, President Asif Ali Zardari is seen pushing for his son and the party’s 24 year-old chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari to take charge of the upcoming election campaign
Read More>
Will be Army chief’s boss, says Nawaz Sharif
Sharif hinted that the current army chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani would be replaced by the “senior most” when he retires in November
Pak tribunals uphold rejection of Musharraf’s nomination
Musharraf had filed appeals in the tribunals against the Returning Officers’ decisions but these were rejected by the judges
Khoso sworn in as Pakistan’s caretaker Prime Minister
The 84-year-old former judge was chosen by the Election Commission as the caretaker Prime Minister to conduct the general election scheduled for May 11
Pak oppn rejects govt’s list for caretaker PM
The government had named former minister Abdul Hafeez Shaikh, banker Ishrat Hussain and retired judge Mir Hazar Khan Khoso as its candidates for caretaker premier
‘The Fringe is risky business’

EDITED EXCERPTS
How did the Edinburgh Festival Fringe become the world’s largest arts festival?
In 1947, the Edinburgh International Festival started as a cultural intervention to bring people together after World War II. Eight theatre companies were pleased with the festival happening in Edinburgh, but annoyed at not being invited to take part. They realised that there would be an audience and media eager to see them perform. So they decided to stage their work anyway. That’s how the Fringe started. Now, we have young performers doing something new and big artists putting up works of greater scale. Fringe has everything — art, comedy, music, opera, children’s shows, cabarets. My organisation supports those who want to be part of it, but does not decide who they are and what will they do.
How have you maintained Fringe as an alternative to the Edinburgh International Festival?
We support it for whatever it is. I guess the Fringe is an alternative to the Festival, and the Festival is the alternative to Fringe. It’s avant-garde, cutting edge work, and we support that. There are 12 festivals in Edinburgh each year, and seven happen in the summer. My peers who run other festivals are curators and art directors; they have different ways of organising their festivals. We deliberately don’t. The look of our venues is very different. They are temporary structures created especially for the works. The International Festival is held in big, year-round venues. Fringe performers have to be entrepreneurial, which makes them different.
Fringe is an unjuried festival. What are the logistics of planning and selection?
The only line we draw is for the performances listed in the programme, because we have to go to the printers. But our registrations remain open even after that. There is an unending appetite for an artist to take part, to look for alternative space. At the end of each Fringe, in November and December, we compile a list of all these spaces and then interested companies make their decisions. We talk them through the process, the auctions and give necessary advice.
Do issues of quality crop up?
We have been asked that if there is no curation overall, why would it be any good. I could argue the opposite is true. As an artist, you’re making this huge commitment to do a show for a month in front of a live audience. You don’t do that unless you know your work is good. I’m not saying it’s all fantastic. But there is a huge range that allows artists to take risks. In 1999, Delhi-based playwright Roysten Abel produced Othello: A Play in Black and White and won the Fringe First Award. He interacted with several people. On the back of that he toured the show for 10 years. It’s a risky business but the rewards are greater.
Since you have taken over as the CEO, audience numbers have grown massively. How have you managed that?
We just have to plan well. The number of participating companies has increased from the low-2000s to the mid-2000s. In terms of audience, I’m pleased that it’s grown because that’s our job. The festival is a vast, daunting environment, but also a lovely social event. The audience is keen, loyal and eager to discover the next big thing. Wherever you are, you’re talking about what you’ve seen, what’s turning out to be the best show, and you’re the first person to see it.
What’s a day like at the Fringe?
A typical day will be long, exhausting, exhilarating and will contain something you didn’t expect. Performances are happening all the time. The venues are all open. Half of our audience comes from Edinburgh and Scotland; the rest from other parts of the UK and 15 percent from overseas. It’s not a huge percentage, but it’s 15 percent of a massive number of people.
aradhna@tehelka.com
















[Editor's cut] The House of Hunger and Mr Bumble’s Bungled Bill
If a neighbour hoards food and lets it rot as his children starve, what would we do? Report him to the authorities. Shame him. Boycott him. In the pantheon of the morally corrupt and sick minded, he would figure near the crest. Sadly, we forego such passions when the State practices that cruelty. The government’s failure to introduce its much-touted Food Security Bill yet in the ongoing budget session of Parliament is a travesty for India’s hundreds of millions of the hungry poor.
The proposed law has both detractors and champions. Activist Jean Drèze lauds its provisions, especially with regard to defining the role of the administrative and delivery machinery that would supply the subsidised foodgrain. A study that data analysis agency Crisil Research released on 30 April said the scheme would likely free up Rs 4,400 a year in the hands of every poor family — known as the ‘Below Poverty Line’ or BPL household — in some of the states. This is nearly twice the amount such a family spends annually on its bills for health, education and nutritious protein-rich food.
The Food Security Bill is nothing if not ambitious. In 2009-10, only 33-44 percent of the BPL households could buy subsidised foodgrain from the government public distribution system (PDS). The Food Security Bill grandly aims to extend that cover to three of every four rural citizens and one of two in urban areas. A large number of the BPL poor can’t avail the PDS because they don’t have the mandatory ration cards.
The Bill envisages additional identification mechanisms. Under it, rice would retail at Rs 3 per kg, wheat at Rs 2 and millet Rs 1. Individuals can buy up to 5 kg; the poorest 35 kg. Children up to six years old and pregnant and lactating women would get free meals.
So why isn’t the Bill tabled in Parliament yet? Much blame has been laid on the disinterest of Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar in pushing the Bill. The teeth of the opposition to it are, however, much wider. Even the Planning Commission overseen by Montek Singh Ahluwalia has been in dissonance with the Bill on who to cover. The Commission is averse to the subsidised grain going to over 37 percent people.
Predictably, neoliberal proponents who seek to end the welfare State baulk at the subsidy of $24 billion the sale would annually entail. In a blog dated 31 March, corporate honcho-turned-columnist Gurcharan Das argued that providing subsidised food to India’s poor would mean giving them “something for nothing and weaken the work ethic”. (Remember former Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney said America’s poor were “moochers”? He lost.)
Das churns out the old arguments that have repeatedly failed across Europe and North America: that the government should concern itself with building infrastructure alone and let industry take charge of the economy in an environment of free enterprise to spread jobs and prosperity. In any case, how can a people — perhaps as numerous as 800 million — possibly contribute to building an economy if they are chronically underfed, anaemic and ill, and suffer from severe malnutrition?
India’s poor are among the worst-off in the world. Half of its rural children are malnourished. Reportedly, one of three citizens between the ages of 15 and 49 is underdeveloped. Perhaps a quarter of the world’s malnourished are in India. Yet, India has bumper harvests year after year. It is projected that last year, India produced a whopping 250 million tonnes of foodgrain. Sadly, it is estimated that up to 20 million tonnes are lost annually because the country doesn’t have adequate storage capacity for it. Much of it rots away. On the other hand, per capita grain consumption has declined since 1972-73.
West Europe and North America could hardly have obtained their prosperity of the last century without their governments playing an overarching role in providing basic services, including cheap food, to their people. And yes, in more ways than one, those governments underwrote (as many still do) the supply chain of those services. It was only once their people were healthier, fitter and more educated that industry could move in to play its role in building the economy. It is time India went all out to convert the Food Subsidy Bill into a historic law to rewrite the compact with its millions.
ajit@tehelka.com