[Film Review] Go Goa Gone works as a result of its charming lunacy

A still from Go Goa Gone
A still from Go Goa Gone

The moment you find out that the name of one of the protagonists (Khemu) in Go Goa Gone is Hardik, you count the minutes to the inevitable joke. It comes about 30 minutes into the film — to the film’s credit, as a throwaway line in the beginning of the first song. It illustrates what the film’s comedy is all about: using the ‘A’ certificate and a Beavis-and-Butthead sensibility to go for the easy laughs, yet understanding that simply punning on the name Hardik isn’t enough to carry a film in 2013.
Instead, Raj and DK’s “first Indian zombie film” — conveniently forgetting the Ramsay Brothers’ 1971 Do Gaz Zameen Ke Neeche and even last month’s Luke Kenny-starring Rise of the Zombie — relies on smart writing and a genre awareness that ensures it isn’t another illogical blood-and-gore thriller. Go Goa Gone is neither a Night of the Living Dead nor a Shaun of the Dead; neither a generic horror film nor an overt parody. It is a fairly conventional slacker comedy, a watered-down Delhi Belly (though I suppose the urtext for the Indian slacker zombie genre is Jugal Mody’s recent novel Toke).
The smart writing shows itself in the lack of obvious logical discrepancies in the film. I spent an hour before watching this film reading through some of the Vigil Idiot’s recent reviews-cum-comics of other 2013 Bollywood releases, and found myself cringing afresh at the contrived plots of the films I’ve had to review this year. Go Goa Gone, at least ostensibly, keeps it within the rails. Faced with the prospect of their rave party on a Goan island turning into some sort of apocalyptic event, Hardik, Luv and Bunny actually pause to think about what they are up against, even if, as Hardik points out, it really doesn’t make much difference to their chances of survival that it’s zombies and not vampires.
Much of the humour is derived from their constant attempts at make sense of the confusion (“We know nothing and we’ve learned ghanta” is the response to Luv’s attempts at Socratic reasoning), especially when they acknowledge, unlike most other horror films, that there already exists a century’s worth of horror films. At one point, Luv uses a technique he says he saw in some movie — Shaun of the Dead — and tries to blend in with the zombies. At another, Bunny breaks the fourth wall and complains that as the heroes’ boring friend, he’s going to be the first to die.
Something tells me Saif Ali Khan took the role only because he gets to say “I’ll be back!” He says it in the worst possible manner; what else do you expect from an Indian using a fake Russian accent to quote an Austrian-American? The hideous accent is priceless (“Come and get me, mother-bitches!”), especially when he drops in the odd Dilli gaali. As the badass (fake) Russian mobster who will sherpa our heroes out of the island, he has a license to ham and be the Hollywood action hero he’s always wanted to be, which he takes gleefully. But the film’s most powerful scene also centres on him, as he is forced to cut loose his trusted ally Nikolai once the latter gets bitten.
Sure, the film gets repetitive after the interval, and sure, much of the humour is trite stoner jokes (“We should form a Bharatiya Joint Party,” Hardik giggles in the opening scene). Also agreed: the lack of badass villains makes it a distinctly poor cousin of Delhi Belly. But Go Goa Gone works as a result of its charming lunacy, and makes a great case for similar films in the days to come.

‘From 1991, we just lost our marbles as a society’

[cycloneslider id=”society”]
As an advocate for sustainable architecture, what is your understanding of the term?
It’s a very fashionable term. Everyone claims to be sustainable, whatever industry they are in. To understand sustainability, what you have to do is to look at the past, the history of the past few hundred years in the region. Sustainability was not something we considered traditionally as a layer that you bring onto what you do. We did not have a choice but to be sustainable. Especially in a climate like ours, you couldn’t survive if you did not have energy or water. The kind of architecture and urban planning that naturally evolved over the past 500-1,000 years was generically sustainable. It used local materials, buildings were cooler in the summer and warmer in the winter; they used thick stone walls. Water was given more importance, hence the creation of the baolis and stepwells. People were doing this not to save the planet; they were doing this because that was the way to be.
So what changed?
Somewhere along the line, a disjunction happened. Globally, we saw the disjunction in the 1970s, before the oil crisis, when oil was cheaper than beer. In New York, buildings were made where lights would be installed without switches. They calculated and realised that it was cheaper to leave the lights running 24×7 than installing a light switch. With that came the notion that we could build in a way that was divorced from climate. Airconditioning was invented, and people realised that they could build the same building in Texas and Alaska, because they could get the 22 to 24 degree temperature inside. Energy was not an issue.
India took much longer. Even in the early ’90s, architecture and planning in India was responsive to the environment, because in cities like Delhi, there were tremendous power cuts. As a people, we’ve had a strong relationship between the inside and the outside. Then came 1991, our financial independence so to speak, and we just lost our marbles. We went for the transplantation of buildings from the global North to the South. We brought architecture here that had no relevance, because we thought it stood for globalisation. We never understood what we were good at. Our policies were not geared around sustainability. We began to plan cities as if we had the most amazing cold clima te and everyone had cars. We neither focussed on mass transit nor on walking, cycling, public spaces. Sustainability disappeared from our consciousness.
Sustainable architecture is seen as a domain of the rich. But greater percolation can only come by making these houses significantly cheaper. That really isn’t happening, is it?
But it is. It depends on where you look in India. The problem in housing is the price of land, not really the price of going green, because land has been cartelised since Independence. That brings us to urban planning. Until we move away from this land-use model, we’re not going to get the cities we want. Until the government stops selling land to private individuals who put boundary walls around, you will end up with this city full of islands, where the only democratic space is the street. The correct model to adopt is one of urban design with integrated planning. It is perhaps not as remunerable to certain people to do it that way. But that is the only way.
For example, when we were looking at the question of sustainability in Delhi four or five years ago, we were intrigued by these nallahs that everyone complained about. When we got access to Google Earth — we couldn’t get access to satellite imagery before — we discovered there are 20,000 nallahs in the city with a total length of about 350 km. They’re all interconnected and connected to the river, and are continuous. You can walk along the nallahs from the Qutub Minar to Shri Ram College of Commerce without crossing a road. And they were all carrying sewage. We realised that if we could rehabilitate these nallahs by breaking down the sewage using anaerobic plants and modulating the embankments to create walking and cycling tracks, we would have these 350 km of incredible infrastructure, which connects schools, markets, museums, parks, just about anything. We calculated that this would cost about 1,000 crore, which is less than a fifth of how much we spend on cleaning the Yamuna. It would solve the water table problem, the sewage problem, the Yamuna’s problem, the public health problems of dengue and chikungunya, the transportation problem by providing last-mile connectivity. We took it to the government, and to our surprise, they were very receptive. What we couldn’t find was the one person in charge. There were 26 agencies involved, and that was the tip of the iceberg. In 2009, the lieutenant- governor approved the scheme, but the Com mo n wealth Games scam put it on hold. After that, we just couldn’t get all the people into the same room. As long as all these people sit in different silos, you’re not going to get sustainable urban planning.
There’s also the role of the citizens, who aren’t incorporated in the planning process as stakeholders.
You know, it’s a bit of a chicken-and-egg thing. If you look at what happened in Defence Colony, they went and covered the nallah because the residents there pushed the local MLA to do so. Now, the residents don’t understand that this is going to be a disaster because you can’t put a concrete slab. There’s going to be silting, and the sewage is going to choke underneath. How’re you going to clean it? And if you can’t, you’re going to get what Bombay gets: floods. The next time it rains, water is going to enter the basements of Defence Colony. When you involve the stakeholder, it is your duty to educate them. And to do so, the person educating should also be educated.
Covering a nallah is the instinctive response for Western-educated people. Why do we continue to import these ideas of urban planning?
How many studies are there that indicate that building flyovers does not reduce traffic? Plenty. But why do we go ahead and build them? Because it is something that is visible in a five-year political tenure. Holistic environmental planning can take years, but covering a nallah can be done in a five-year tenure, even if it is potentially disastrous. I really don’t think it’s a question of us importing from the West any more. The lack of understanding is incredible, but it has to do with how we are as a society.
ajachi@tehelka.com

‘I am drawn to people who are anti-establishment’

Q, 39, Filmmaker

If not canonical Bengali filmmakers, what and who informs your cinema and your music?
I never watched Indian films in particular. I started looking at cinema because of the post- 1990s digital film movement, especially Dogme 95, an avant-garde film movement from which several directors I admire emerged, such as Lars von Trier. I taught myself filmmaking from them. I ran away from the music that I was exposed to growing up in Kolkata. Psy-trance, digital music influenced me heavily, as did going back to the music of the Asian Underground.
What books and papers do you read?
Growing up in Bengal in the 1980s, my father had a lot of socialist material. A favourite was Misha, a Russian comic. I avoid the phenomenon of news because truth is never revealed. I would rather read alternative information streams that can be classified as leftist liberal. Irvine Welsh largely influences my work. It’s quite difficult to access his language, but his is the ideology of the subaltern, the subculture. He talks about lives I know. There is no difference between a Welsh mining town and a subaltern place in Bengal. We try to hide the degree of madness he brings out. There are also the manga works of Shintaro Kago and Osamu Tezuka. We get limited exposure to what’s outside our domain, and Tezuka was one of the few mangakas who could be accessed.
What sort of people are you drawn to?
Delinquents. People who are anti-establishment, who rebel and question. This could be because I grew up in a socialist environment, with the word revolution associated with everything.
On-screen and off-screen, what do you think of sex, love and marriage?
There is no on-screen and off-screen for me. I embody my work. What I’ve always felt about society and sexuality is in my art. My major subject is individual sexual identity. Love is a manufactured reality, sex is the only truth and marriage a social phenomenon. Love is an abstract concept. How is it that everyone in the world can feel love, yet for a normal person abstraction is unreal?

[Live Blog] Congress wins absolute majority in Karnataka

05:39 pm – Meanwhile, the Congress has crossed the finish line in Karnataka. With 20 seats left to declare, it now has 113 seats and leads in eight more. The JD(S) and BJP both have totals of 40 seats. There will be no kingmaker; the Congress will rule on its own. Who the CM will be is still unclear, as the candidates say the High Command will decide, while the High Command says the legislators will do so. It’s been a pleasure bringing the results to you. Thanks for reading.
05:34 pm – Another major debacle for the BJP has been in coastal Karnataka, where it held eight of the 12 seats in the districts of Dakshin Kannada and Udupi. It’s gained one and lost seven seats to finish on two seats, both won with margins of less than 5,000 votes. In Shimoga district, another stronghold where it held five of the seven seats, it has been wiped out. Moreover, it didn’t finish second in any of those seats, coming third in two, fourth in four and fifth in the last seat. Both these regions have been the epicentre of what Rana Ayyub calls the party’s “Hindutva Lab 2.0” in this article. Tehelka’s Imran Khan and G Vishnu exposed the BJP’s Hindutva strategy in this scathing piece.

THE IMPUNITY with which these groups operate also stems from the political backing they seem to have got over the years. In August 2007, the then deputy home minister BS Yeddyurappa dropped as many as 51 cases against Sangh Parivar activists, including Shri Ram Sene chief Pramod Muthalik. According to media reports dated 28 January 2009 (four days after the infamous pub attack case), the state Cabinet withdrew more than 42 cases registered against Muthalik.

In an interview with G Vishnu, political analyst Shiv Sunder discusses the reasons for the BJP’s drubbing in these areas.
04:38 pm – The Congress has officially won 100 seats now.
04:24 pm – So the tally so far, with 173 seats declared:
Congress: Won 95, Leads 27, Total 122
JD(S): Won 32, Leads 9, Total 41
BJP: Won 28, Leads 11, Total 39
KJP: Won 4, Leads 1, Total 5
Others: Won 14, Leads 2, Total 16
The KJP is second in 37 seats, so they can take heart from their maiden performance.
04:00 pm – The Supreme Court’s stern remarks on the CBI have cast a dampener on the Congress, especially since a large part of their reading of their verdict has been that it is one against corruption. Another interesting facet of the election result is that the effect of the KJP on the BJP’s tally has been overstated. In Bombay-Karnataka, its tally fell from 33 to 13, and it lost 25 seats, while gaining five. Of the 25 seats it lost, the combined tally of the BJP and KJP exceeds the winner’s in only seven seats. And in most of these,  the combined party would still have struggled to win. Statewide, the vote shares of the two parties comes to 23 percent, a full 19 percentage points below the Congress. This has been a rout, and not only because of Yeddyurappa’s exit.
02:36 pm – This was inevitable.

02:33 pm – The Others, who stand at 21 seats right now, includes one member of the Samajwadi Party. “What?!”, you might respond. “When did Karnataka get so many Yadavs?” a colleague asked. Turns out, the winning candidate, CP Yogeshwara, was actually a 15-year incumbent, who had joined the party after leaving the BJP. He beat Anita Kumaraswamy, wife of JD(S) president HD Kumaraswamy, by 16,500 votes. 02:12 pm – Of course, there’s also the little matter of the Supreme Court’s order on Coalgate, which is due out soon. Just kidding, it’s pretty big, and could conceivably lead to the Prime Minister being asked to resign. Tehelka will bring you the latest. Read our cover story on the issue. 02:01 pm – The latest tally has the Congress at 119, JD(S) at 41 and the BJP at 39. But the big news that is going to overshadow, at least among the Bengaluru youth, this “most important day in our political history in the last five years”, as Arnab calls this Wednesday, is that Alex Ferguson has retired today as manager of Manchester United. Woah. He wasn’t even as old as Manmohan Singh. 01:30 pm – Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas Veerappa Moily has endorsed current Leader of the Opposition Siddaramaiah for the CM’s post, and denied that he wants the job himself. Of course, he goes on to say that he never asked for his current job either, that it was handed to him in the interest of the nation. Sonia Gandhi has said that the legislators will decide the next chief minister. PM Manmohan Singh says the victory is a victory against corruption. 01:09 pm – The KJP is currently leading in eight seats and second in 35. In three of those seats, it trails the Congress candidates by less than 100 votes. In Tarikere, DS Suresh (KJP) trails GH Srinivasa (INC) by 15 votes. Overall, the BJP and JD(S) are now tied at 40 seats, while the Congress has gone up to 116. Rajdeep Sardesai is rightly smug about getting it right with his exit poll. 12:44 pm – Sorry Dhananjaya Kumar, even the EC website is giving a majority to the Congress. It gives the Congress 113 wins and leads, the JD(S) 39, the BJP 42 and Others 24. That’s mostly settled, then. The CM stakes are now open, and that is a question unlikely to be settled soon. From Ashok Malik’s preview:

ON 8 MAY, on its part, the Congress could be contemplating quite a different sort of puzzle: deciding on a chief minister. As Shastri puts it wryly, “Legally 34 people can become Cabinet ministers in Karnataka. And the Congress has more than 34 chief ministerial candidates.”

12: 23 pm –

12:22 pm – So who will be the next CM?

 

 
12:15 pm – Current leads, as per the EC: Congress 106, JD(S) 42, BJP 35, KJP 11, Others 17. Counting’s going a little slow, because the counting machines have had issues.
12:04 pm – Even though the BJP is losing its stronghold of Dakshin Kannada, Tehelka’s Imran Khan says Hindutva might not be dead yet.

 
Also, here’s the full interview with the KJP’s Dhananjaya Kumar.
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11:53 am – Padmaraj Dandavati, Executive Editor of the Kannada daily Prajavani talks to Tehelka’s G Vishnu about the elections. It’s everything you ever wanted to know about Kannada politics but were too afraid to ask. Take a listen.
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11:47 am – Meanwhile, Parliament has been adjourned sine die.
11:43 am – Here’s Tehelka’s full coverage of the Karnataka elections, for your reading pleasure as the lunch break beckons (we’re still waiting for breakfast from the Kannada restaurant around the corner, but they’re probably glued to the television screens as well). On Twitter, S Irfan Habib is cautioning the Congress against overcelebrating.

 
Actually, the Karnataka elections are an indicator for the general elections. In the last three elections, the single largest party has gone on to lose in the national polls.
11:30 am – You know, there might be something to what Dhananjaya Kumar is saying. The networks are projecting 115-odd seats for the Congress, with ~35 for the BJP and ~40 for the JD(S). The Election Commission gives 37 to the BJP and 41 to the JD(S), but only 97 to the Congress. Could the news channels be overestimating the Congress’ tally? Stay tuned to find out. (Worst. Cliffhanger. Ever.)
11:24 am – KJP spokesperson Dhananjaya Kumar tells Tehelka, “The Congress is not going to do as well as being predicted. We are looking at reaching 20 seats. The Congress should be wise; we will be the kingmakers.” Hmm. As Ravi Shastri would say, is there a twist in the tale?
11:20 am – Third Front? What Third Front? Kumaraswamy says he cares only about Karnataka politics.
11:17 am – HD Kumaraswamy, former CM and JD(S) chief, says he is neither a king nor a kingmaker, that it is up to the people to decide. He says his party will be content sitting in opposition.
11:13 am – The EC’s tally as it stands: the Congress has 97 leads, JD(S) 40, BJP 35, Others 30.
11:10 am – Everyone predicted that the KJP would play spoiler to the BJP, and it’s coming true. The Congress is leading among seats with a sizeable Lingayat population, as the KJP-BJP contest fragments their votes. Even in coastal Karnataka, the RSS bastion, the Congress is romping home. This is getting ugly for the BJP.
11:03 am – After network issues and a frantic change of computer, we’re back. The networks are saying that the Congress has crossed the halfway mark in leads. As for the chief ministerial candidates, Pradesh Congress chief G Parameshwara is trailing in Koratagere by 1500 votes.
10:33 am – The first actual result is coming in. Shakuntala Devi (INC) has won Puttur. The seat is a bellwether for the Mangalore region, an RSS bastion. Could the BJP be losing its ‘communal lab’ as well?
10:23 am – As Arnab hyperventilates about how he’s never seen an election where the ruling party loses the seats that lean towards it (Seriously? He’s never seen an election with a substantial anti-incumbency swing?), we change channels to CNN-IBN for some R&R for our eyes and ears. It’s practically soothing.

Click to read : Exclusive: C-Voter Survey

10:09 am – Arnab and Co have been relentlessly trying to push what they call The Bansal Effect. No, it’s not the high percentage of Bangalore engineers who took IITJEE classes at Bansal Classes in Kota, but the Congress losing a few seats due to the Pawan Bansal corruption scandal, which the networks unimaginatively called Bribegate, before changing to the slightly better Railgate. Cho Ramaswamy’s not buying it; he says voters made up their minds much before the story broke, and that the vote is primarily an anti-BJP one. Lead update: Congress 69, JD(S) 36, BJP 25, Others 20.
10:01 am – The JD(S) has been the surprise today. They were expected to be consigned to third place, but they’re ahead of the BJP by 30 to 24. The Congress continues to lead in 61, with 132 seats reporting.
09:54 am – Abhishek Manu Singhvi is almost sulking when he says the JD(S) is always stealing their seats. There, there. There’s always Yeddy to do the same for the BJP.
09:52 am – The EC now has 111 seats, half of the 223 seats being counted. The Congress is leading in 53, BJP in 19 and the JD(S) in 24.
09:47 am – The BJP’s Siddharth Nath Singh is already changing the subject, saying that the Congress’ optimism will soon disappear once the Supreme Court’s Coalgate verdict comes in later. General shouting ensues. Meanwhile, reputed political analyst Kamaal R Khan weighs in:

 
09:40 am – Lead updates from the EC website: Cong 45, BJP 16, JD(S) 19, Others 15.
09:31 am – FIREWALL BREACH! No, the Tehelka website isn’t being attacked by angry trolls (at least, not yet). It’s Arnab’s latest gimmick after the spectrum last time around. The BJP is being trounced in its bastions, it seems. Not really, but the Congress is eating into its seats in the Lingayat-majority Bombay Karnataka region. Jagadish Shettar, meanwhile, tells Tehelka, “These are early trends. I will only be able to comment when the results are out.” Alrighty, then.
09:21 am – Ok, the EC’s website is finally getting up and smelling the coffee, so I’m going to be relying on their eminently reliable numbers. It’s behind the Times, but so are all of us. With 52 seats reporting leads, the BJP leads in eight, the Congress in 22, the JD(S) in 14 and others in eight.
09:10 am – You know it’s a special day when they give us lowly live-bloggers coffee instead of the usual milky tea. Lead update: Congress 43, BJP 26, JD(S) 15, KJP 3.
09:08 am – Meanwhile on Twitter…

09:03 am – As Arnab sagely puts it, though, the BJP is leading in BJP strongholds, while the Congress’ leads come from across the state. Politics in Karnataka is essentially regional.
09:00 am – If you’re curious about where we’re getting our numbers from, we’ve got Arnab Goswami jumping around a large map on the big TV, but will eventually shift to the official Election Commission website once their numbers start coming in. Times Now is giving the Cong 31 leads, the BJP 22, the JD(S) 12 and the KJP only two.
08:52 am – BS Yeddyurappa was instrumental in bringing the BJP to power in a southern state for the first time. Today, he is likely to hamstring that very party by playing spoiler in the Lingayat-majority seats of Bombay Karnataka. Ashok Malik, in his excellent preview (read it here if you haven’t already), says the BJP’s losses are most likely going to be concentrated in these areas.
08:47 am – So what do the exit polls say about Karnataka? Well, they all said that the Congress would reach the finishing line of 112. CVoter gave 114 to the Congress, 55 to the BJP, 34 to the JD(S) and 11 to Yeddy’s KJP. CNN IBN-The Week’s exit poll said the Congress would win 110 to 116, while the BJP and JD(S) would get 43 to 53 each.
08:31 – Congress CM aspirant Siddaramaiah leads in Varuna
08:30 am -Congress leads in 4 seats,  BJP leads in 3,  the JD(S) leads in 3 seat while the KJP leads in 2 seats
08:25 am -Congress leads in 4 seats,  BJP leads in 2,  the JD(S) leads in 3 seat while the KJP leads in 2 seats
08:23 am -Congress leads in 3 seats,  BJP leads in 2 seats while the JD(S) leads in 3 seats
08:19 am -Congress leads in 2 seats,  BJP leads in 1 while the JD(S) leads in 1 seat. Of the 4 seats for which leads are in, BJP won 3 of these seats in the last Assembly election.
08:17 am – Early leads emerge from Karnataka. Congress leads in 2 seats while BJP leads in 1 seat
08:12 am – Last year, a survey conducted by a local media house in Karnataka gave the Congress as much as 40 percent of the popular vote. In December 2012, local media outlets Suvarna News and Kannada Prabha commissioned an opinion poll that gave the Congress 37 percent of the vote and 115 seats. An opinion poll published in TEHELKA on 9 February said the Congress was likely to win 37 percent of the vote and get 133 seats. The BJP, on the other hand, would stop at 28 percent of the popular vote and come down to 63 seats. | Read Ashok Malik’s article on the politics in Karnataka
08:07 am – The counting of votes has begun across Karnataka. This is one of the most anticipated elections before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections
 

Pakistan: A House Deeply Divided

nawab_sharif

Make no mistake. The 11 May General Election has sharply divided Pakistan. The back-slapping commentariat has been congratulating fellow Pakistanis for democratically voting out a government. Before the end of the next week, Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, whose Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has won the most seats in the National Assembly, will become prime minister. This election is being touted as a deepening of representative democracy in Pakistan because it is the first-ever “smooth” transition from one elected civilian government to another.

But in truth, as with many elections in Pakistan in the past, this time, too, there is widespread belief that the results have been manipulated. Of course, it may never be known if the charge is accurate or not. It must be stressed though that the world would be in error if it believed that Pakistanis see this election much differently from the past ones. They don’t. Perhaps they are angrier than in the past as for the first time the charge that an elector may have rigged the vote is the elephant in the room. In a rush to hail Pakistan’s arrival as a nation of elections, no one wants to talk of vote manipulation.

Read More>

If chance will have him king Embracing the future, while stuck in the past
An old war horse make s a bid to become Pakistan’s prime minster a third time since 1990. All he needs is to not be bowled by the cricketer | By Jason Burke Sharif and Imran hardsell a naya Pakistan, but remain tight-lipped about the details | By Ayesha Siddiqa
img2
“My brothers,” calls the rotund, balding, middle-aged man on the stage. The words, distorted by a poor public address system, are barely audible. “My brothers,” crackles again across the stadium in Sargodha, a nondescript small city in central Punjab, Pakistan. The stadium is ringed with trees and birds flap overhead. In the distance there are the craggy hills of the salt range against a setting sun. “Today I feel a revolution has come to this town,” the man is saying. “I have a passion for change. Is it not change that has come? Am I not a revolutionary?” There is a lot of visible excitement in the streets of most urban centres in Pakistan. The last time there was even greater public involvement was during the 1970 election when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto promised change for the betterment of the downtrodden people against the 21 rich families of the country. The 11 May election is accompanied with a lot of passion and expectation of a naya (new) Pakistan, which is expected to be different from a corruption-ridden country led by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP).
Nawaz Sharif, in a white salwar kameez and a brown waistcoat, raises both arms. Earlier, an excited warm-up speaker had informed the crowd in hushed admiration that Sharif had asked for the glass plates protecting the rostrum from sniper fire to be removed. The 63-year-old tycoon glances down at his notes and calms noisy supporters at the front of the crowd with a downward movement of his palms.
In the past five years, the term ‘Zardari’ has become synonymous with financial mismanagement on an enormous scale and poor governance. Notwithstanding deliberate and focussed propaganda against one party, the PPP and its leadership ought to share the blame for mismanaging the country. Moreover, its leadership was almost absent from the lives of ordinary people.
Read More> Read More>


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The government had named former minister Abdul Hafeez Shaikh, banker Ishrat Hussain and retired judge Mir Hazar Khan Khoso as its candidates for caretaker premier

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[Film Review] 'Nair’s passion for archiving stemmed from an almost fanatical love for cinema'

Photo courtesy: https://www.facebook.com/celluloidman
Photo courtesy: https://www.facebook.com/celluloidman

A popular attraction at the Centenary Film Festival at Delhi’s Siri Fort Auditorium last week was a makeshift tent, decked out with benches, which screened silent films from the first decades of Indian cinema. With an intentionally misspelt ‘Housh Full’ sign and unstable benches providing authenticity, the films — digitally projected to keep pace with the times — were accompanied not by live music, but occasionally by running commentary that resembled Doordarshan sporting events more than Cahiers du Cinéma (“In those times, this sort of fighting was called mallayuddha,” the portly man said during a climactic sword fight in Fall of Slavery). Nevertheless, the tent was usually full of film buffs relishing a rare opportunity to watch Raja Harishchandra or Kaliya Mardan, or at least, those parts that remain of the films.
The fact that these films could be shown — or, for that matter, that any films from the first 50 years of Indian cinema survive — is the result of one man’s life-long passion for preserving what remains of our cinematic heritage. Of the over 1,200 silent films made in India, only nine survive. The ones that do, were hunted down by PK Nair, the subject of Shivendra Singh Dungarpur’s excellent documentary Celluloid Man, which received a limited release (though not in Hyderabad or Kolkata, where it was bumped off screens by Iron Man 3), who spent decades single-handedly building the National Film Archive of India. It was when Dungarpur learned that Nair had, after retiring, been banned from entering the archive, that he decided to make this film. And such was Nair’s abiding influence on Indian cinema that no less than 11 cinematographers wanted to be part of the film. Unwilling or unable to choose, Dungarpur hired them all.
On the face of it, Celluloid Man is a montage of rare film clips interspersed with some of Indian cinema’s great luminaries talking about the debt they owe Nairsaab. And they are luminaries; names like Adoor Gopalakrishnan, Shyam Benegal, Naseeruddin Shah, Rajkumar Hirani, Jaya Bachchan, even the late Yash Chopra, chime in to talk about their memories of the archivist at the Film Institute (now FTII) who introduced these pre-Internet kids to the best of world cinema, who was always willing to let an inquisitive filmmaker watch Breathless again just to figure out how Godard smoothened his jump cuts, who could recite from memory the precise can and roll of an obscure print where a particular piece of dialogue could be found.
But this is no mere tale of a tireless librarian with superhuman powers of recall. Much like Herzog’s documentaries about people in obscure professions, it is at its heart, a love story. Nair’s passion for archiving stemmed from an almost fanatical love for cinema, to the extent that he wouldn’t even throw away ticket stubs as a child. His family resigned itself to playing second fiddle to his job, and even after retiring in 1991, he couldn’t bear to live apart from his precious archive (his vocal anger at the mismanagement of the NFAI was the primary reason he was banned from entering its premises). Because you are completely invested in his passion, irrespective of how you feel about cinema, you will cringe at the sight of film reels being leached for silver, or at the thought of rare negatives being gutted in a fire.
With his 11 cinematographers — each of them accomplished in their profession — in tow, Dungarpur has experimented with stock and shooting techniques to create a visual treat. He says it’s merely coincidence that the film was finally released on the 100th anniversary of Raja Harishchandra’s release. Considering it’s about the man who is responsible for the film still existing, it’s practically divine intervention. Or a celluloid dream coming true.

‘The Fringe is risky business’

Beyond the periphery A performance at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe
Beyond the periphery A performance at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe

EDITED EXCERPTS
How did the Edinburgh Festival Fringe become the world’s largest arts festival?
In 1947, the Edinburgh International Festival started as a cultural intervention to bring people together after World War II. Eight theatre companies were pleased with the festival happening in Edinburgh, but annoyed at not being invited to take part. They realised that there would be an audience and media eager to see them perform. So they decided to stage their work anyway. That’s how the Fringe started. Now, we have young performers doing something new and big artists putting up works of greater scale. Fringe has everything — art, comedy, music, opera, children’s shows, cabarets. My organisation supports those who want to be part of it, but does not decide who they are and what will they do.
How have you maintained Fringe as an alternative to the Edinburgh International Festival?
We support it for whatever it is. I guess the Fringe is an alternative to the Festival, and the Festival is the alternative to Fringe. It’s avant-garde, cutting edge work, and we support that. There are 12 festivals in Edinburgh each year, and seven happen in the summer. My peers who run other festivals are curators and art directors; they have different ways of organising their festivals. We deliberately don’t. The look of our venues is very different. They are temporary structures created especially for the works. The International Festival is held in big, year-round venues. Fringe performers have to be entrepreneurial, which makes them different.
Fringe is an unjuried festival. What are the logistics of planning and selection?
The only line we draw is for the performances listed in the programme, because we have to go to the printers. But our registrations remain open even after that. There is an unending appetite for an artist to take part, to look for alternative space. At the end of each Fringe, in November and December, we compile a list of all these spaces and then interested companies make their decisions. We talk them through the process, the auctions and give necessary advice.
Do issues of quality crop up?
We have been asked that if there is no curation overall, why would it be any good. I could argue the opposite is true. As an artist, you’re making this huge commitment to do a show for a month in front of a live audience. You don’t do that unless you know your work is good. I’m not saying it’s all fantastic. But there is a huge range that allows artists to take risks. In 1999, Delhi-based playwright Roysten Abel produced Othello: A Play in Black and White and won the Fringe First Award. He interacted with several people. On the back of that he toured the show for 10 years. It’s a risky business but the rewards are greater.
Since you have taken over as the CEO, audience numbers have grown massively. How have you managed that?
We just have to plan well. The number of participating companies has increased from the low-2000s to the mid-2000s. In terms of audience, I’m pleased that it’s grown because that’s our job. The festival is a vast, daunting environment, but also a lovely social event. The audience is keen, loyal and eager to discover the next big thing. Wherever you are, you’re talking about what you’ve seen, what’s turning out to be the best show, and you’re the first person to see it.
What’s a day like at the Fringe?
A typical day will be long, exhausting, exhilarating and will contain something you didn’t expect. Performances are happening all the time. The venues are all open. Half of our audience comes from Edinburgh and Scotland; the rest from other parts of the UK and 15 percent from overseas. It’s not a huge percentage, but it’s 15 percent of a massive number of people.
aradhna@tehelka.com

[Film Review] ‘Bombay Talkies is an endearing ode to cinema’

Bombay Talkies
Bombay Talkies
Directors: Anurag Kashyap, Dibakar Banerjee, Zoya Akhtar, Karan Johar
Starring: Saqib Saleem, Nawazuddin Siddiqui, Rani Mukerji & Others

FOR A film named after a studio that launched the careers of some of Indian cinema’s finest actors, it is a little strange to see Bombay Talkies be marketed with its four directors front and centre. In an industry where the term ‘auteur’ hasn’t been bandied about sin ce the days of Ray and Ghatak, an anthology of four shorts celebr at ing a century of celluloid is a great platform for the storytelling skills of some of our best directors today.
A 30-minute film is a unique challenge, as it forces you to strike a balance between condensing your story significantly and sustaining the audience’s atten – tion for a duration that is longer than what most people think. It is a challenge that should bring out the best in a storyteller, a challenge that the four directors — Karan Johar, Dibakar Banerjee, Zoya Akhtar and Anurag Kashyap — approach in their unique ways.
Johar’s film has received the greatest plaudits from critics, likely because he was the one least expected to present a coherent film within the constraints of the format. With his tale of a married man being forced to wrestle with his sexuality, he does exceed expectations, but too often resorts to the obvious, or to overt hints. “You want to come out?” Saqib Saleem’s openly gay character actually asks Randeep Hooda at one point. Not out of the closet, but to go listen to a beggar girl who performs extraordinary renditions of classic Bollywood songs, a mutual passion of the two. Unfortunately, while Johar’s portrayal of the passion between them is sensitive, the ending feels abrupt. Perhaps the subject could’ve been much better handled as a feature film.
Banerjee’s adaptation of Satyajit Ray’s short story Patol Babu Film Star, on the other hand, is a triumph in short filmmaking. Even though this film relies more than the others on exposition, by setting it on an empty set, with a dialogue between Nawazuddin Siddiqui and his father’s ghost (Sadashiv Amrapurkar), who appears from a dustbin, Banerjee deftly allows the surreality of the scene to make up for it. The climactic scene, where Siddiqui comes home to tell his ailing daughter the story of his fleeting moment of fame, is wonderfully captured by drowning out the dialogue with flute music and allowing Siddiqui to use his phenomenal talent to mime his tale. That one scene, with the delighted expression on wife and daughter’s face, perfectly sums up the magic of cinema that all four shorts set out to capture.
After the interval comes the inevitable decline. Sheila Ki Jawani, Akhtar’s contribution, is the weakest of the four films, never really building on Naman Jain’s extraordinary performance as the child who wants to chase his dream of being a dancer, rather than the dreams his father forces on him. Katr ina Kaif as a variation of the Blue Fairy in Pinocchio is never convincing, and combined with Ranvir Shorey’s hammy performance as the father, reduces the film to a simplistic climb-ev’ry-mountain message.
Kashyap’s Murabba, meanwhile, is an indulgent exe rcise in heartland-chic of the sort that polarised opinions on Gangs of Wasseypur (GoW). The premise — an Allahabad boy’s attempts at getting Amitabh Bach chan to eat half a murabba to honour the wishes of his dying father — is the kind of pitch that brings a smile to your face when you first hear it, but the execution evokes the same questions and frustrations that mar red the latter stages of GoW.
Members of the film industry will gladly tell you that it isn’t perfect. Bombay Talkies, similarly, is awash in imperfections, but is a loving tribute to the world its makers inhabit.
ajachi@tehelka.com

‘Any industry exists to make money. It has no responsibility’

EDITED EXCERPTS FROM AN INTERVIEW

Auteur speak Zoya Akhtar and Dibakar Banerjee Photo: Vijay Pandey
Auteur speak Zoya Akhtar and Dibakar Banerjee, Photo: Vijay Pandey

Female characters in Bollywood seems to be continuing tale of the same archetypes written decades ago, whereas men are generally driving force of the narrative. Why does the industry refuse to flesh out its female roles, especially when films with powerful female protagonists have been successful?
Zoya Akhtar: I don’t think the industry represents anything well, whether it’s a particular community, a particular sexual orientation, a handicap. There’s no representation of anything that’s done well. I don’t understand why women would suddenly be above this. I think there are good writers and bad writers, and the good writers write strong characters while the bad writers write bad characters, both male and female. I have rarely seen a good film, a film I have really liked, where the man had an amazing character and the woman didn’t.
We are a hero-based industry and so is any film industry. Tom Cruise will get paid more than Nicole Kidman because more people will go to watch his films. More people patronise male protagonists, so more films are made with male hero. Those films get bigger budgets and the actors get paid more. The stars have a long shelf life.
We are in a society which is all about the man, and that is reflected in our cinema. We’re not interested in the woman’s story; we’re not interested in our mothers and sisters! So why are we going to pay money to hear some chick talking about her life? We’re not interested, and that is going to translate into what gets produced and what doesn’t. The stereotypes I put down to bad writing beyond a point, and what we think the people want to watch. And a lot of the people making these films also subscribe to what they put out.
I was watching Satyajit Ray’s Pratidwandi at the Centenary Film Festival. It dealt with an impotent rage of the male protagonist which resonates with a lot of men, but is rarely seen on screen. Is the male hero not similarly typecast as fundamentally strong, even if they do have certain moral failings?
Dibakar Banerjee: The answers to all your questions lie beyond the realm of cinema. Any industry is there to make money. It has no responsibility towards any representation or misrepresentation, and neither should it. Within that industry, individual voices manufacture that responsibility for themselves, because that’s a projection of the self, and come out with a voice of dissent. So, we must set aside those voices and talk about the industry itself. How do you make money? By reaching out to as many people as fast as possible, and as cheaply as possible. How do you do that? By saying something that is supposedly one-size-fits-all. How do you get that? You get the uppermost handles of perception of that society, how that society perceives itself.
How a society perceives itself is almost never about dissent. It is about trying to maintain the status quo. Trying to maintain the status quo requires a dominant minority, that tells the rest of the people how to live and what to live for. Therefore, when you make something that is supposed to sell to the maximum number of people in the minimum amount of time, you need to get down to those precepts and tenets created by dominant minority, and tell the story through those points. In our context, this means patriarchy, feudalism, hero worship, lack of dissent, lack of individualism, a collective identity. And therefore, everything that you see, whether it is the objectification of women or the objectification of men, is a way of enforcing that status quo.
ZA: But do you feel that this viewpoint comes from a dominant minority? I think it is the majority.
DB: For example, we see the Ramayana as this great moral story of how to behave. Now I’ll give an alternative point of view. I see the Ramayana as a fantastic piece of propaganda by certain north Indian clans who wanted to push down into middle and south India for their territorial gain. What the Ramayana is saying is when we go to Madhya Pradesh, or to Odisha, or to Karnataka, and take over the lands of the village chieftain, I will tell him that I am the moral right and you either come under my wing and enjoy my moral rightness, or you’re the demon. And then I’ll write a poem about killing you and tell it to your neighbour, so that he thinks that you’re the demon and I’m the moral guide to follow.  Similarly, Mahabharata could be seen as propaganda by a younger-brother clan who usurped the elder-brother clan’s property and then set upon a very interesting advertising campaign on the battle, and told the whole world that they were done against and had taken over what was theirs by right, and justice has prevailed. So there, one creates stereotype, and for the next thousand years, because of the potency of the message — you’ve got a very good copywriter in Vyas or Valmiki; it works because it has many artistic details in it, because it isn’t naked propaganda, it has genuine truths about life in it — the lie becomes the truth.
These are just examples. It has nothing to do with the question. But this is how dominant minority engages and kidnaps the thoughts of the majority. Our films are doing just that; they are generally product of a dominant minority who are still hugely traumatised by the Partition, hugely traumatised by the absolute loss of their land and the breakup of their families. And till date, a large majority of our films have been about the consolidation of the joint family and the consolidation of wealth. The love aspect to that is a small subplot.
That seems to be a bit of a stretch…
DB: When you see all the ancient Indian love stories, there are two kinds. One kind is about the amazing sex you have before marriage, the other is about the amazing love of a married couple. The first beginning of illicit love, or love that is not supported by society, started with the Radha-Krishna myth, which started with Jayadeva’s Geet Govinda in the 12th century. That is a subculture which is a rebellion against the paternal, feudal, patriarchal marriage ceremony. The young people rebel through that tale, because they can’t rebel in real life.
In the Bollywood love stories of 1950s and ’60s, man falls in love with a widow, but the widow dies. The love is shown, but ultimately, the widow will die. Or, if they get married, she was never really a widow. She was disguised as a widow because someone else had died.
ZA: Kati Patang?
DB: Kati Patang is the apt example, but there are many other stories. What happens is that you show all the yearning to break and go for the person you love, because you are in a terribly repressed society. Where do you find love? We are all forced into marriage by the time we are 24 or 25, and we are told to go for that job. Let me tell you, all our parents in the ’60s and the ’70s had extremely stultifying lives. Hence, if you see ’70s and ’80s, the dominant theme for male songs is the ghazal. Take these lyrics: Jag ne chheena mujhse, mujhe jo bhi laga pyaara. What it means is, “Oh, I was born in Meerut and my father married me off, and I work in Gas Authority of India Ltd, and I never got to love anyone. My wife is there, my children are there, and I’ll never taste love. Let’s turn on Pankaj Udhas or Jagjit Singh, and I will live my pain through that.”
In the last 20 years, there’s been a change, because what Adi (Chopra) and Karan (Johar) did, they turned that rebelliousness a little up, and it showed the youth fighting with their parents and going after their love. But, because the films were essentially made with a patriarchal and feudal sensibility, ultimately the father said, “Ja, jee le apni zindagi.” And everybody was happy, but what it shows is that everything except for the climax is true, and the climax, like that of Khosla ka Ghosla, is a kind of “You’re also right, I’m also right.”
ZA: But why is everybody so scared? Why is ‘honour’, which is  an absurd concept, attached to ‘chastity’?
DB: Money! I, as a feudal lord, need to fix the marriage of my son to the best candidate of the other feudal lords, so that their progeny enjoys both properties. And for that, my progeny must not have any individual will as to who they will marry. They must agree to what I and that neighbouring feudal lord decide 20 years before they reach a mature age. It’s the core of feudalism.
So izzat is the propaganda tool in this case.
DB: Absolutely. After a while, the people who are propagating this, forget it. It really becomes about their izzat. The brilliant thing about cultural propaganda is that after a generation or two, people forget the economic viewpoint and get into the secondary core. And you’re willing to kill for that, even if you lose money in the process.
But as filmmakers, are you not supposed to engage with these questions in your films?
ZA: Yes, of course. However, just because I’m a filmmaker, should that be my natural responsibility? I don’t think so. I think it’s an individual choice. I believe that when a film out, it’s putting an energy out there that’s going to live longer than you and will hopefully be seen by more people than you will ever talk to. You should think about what you’re putting out there. But it’s a choice.
When it comes to the objectification of women, very often one has to objectify. How you do it is part of your aesthetic. Mirch Masala is an amazing example, because the whole movie is about this subedar who is lusting for a woman. The whole film is about him wanting to bonk this woman. And you never look at her unless it’s full-body. He’s looking at her through binoculars, but Ketan Mehta has never shown us what he’s looking at. And you’re totally getting it; Smita Patil in that movie is the most beautiful, the hottest woman alive. The whole film is based on this, but you never see one shot which is exploitative. You never see her body in pieces. You see her as a human, which is why you are so connected to her. What objectification does is it dehumanises you. It shows your body parts, and it’s not about you any more. You’re a pair of legs; you’re a stomach; you’re a navel.
I get asked about objectification a lot, especially on panels. But every film in the last three months that objectifies women, they’ve gone and watched! I don’t understand; you’ve seen the promo, you don’t like the song, why are you going to the movie?
This is what the CBFC were saying at their workshop in the festival as well. If you don’t like the fact that we’ve allowed a certain item number, don’t watch the film. And if you do, inundate us with letters so we can justify not allowing something similar in the future…
ZA: Who doesn’t like item numbers? What does this mean; I don’t like to watch women dancing? I love Helen, I love Beedi Jalailey.
DB: Tell him what we were doing last night.
ZA: We were watching only item numbers, from the ’70s (Laughs).
Of course, the vamps and their dance numbers in the ’50s and ’60s were the first glimpse most film-watchers got of an independent woman comfortable with her own sexuality.
DB: You’ve hit the nail on the head. A woman who was rich, a woman of independent means, a woman who drank or smoked was always negative.
ZA: No, but in Pyaasa, Waheeda Rehman was a hooker.
DB: She was a golden-hearted hooker. But you never actually concentrate on the fact that she’s a hooker, or that she may like being a hooker. You see, that need to turn her into a golden-hearted, subservient woman always insiduously creeps into the storyline treatment. If everything that celebrates the sexuality of a woman is turned into slightly negative, what you’re doing is you’re attributing a negative aspect to the very positive attribute of lust. Lust is positive; it is the urge to mate. But when you, over centuries, add guilt to lust — that’s what religion does — the moment a man feels lust for a woman, it becomes either guilt, or slightly dangerous, because now the man has to force lust upon a woman.
Therefore, you’re talking about a film that is anti-rape, but when the rapist sees the woman, unlike Mirch Masala, you totally start showing parts of the woman’s body, which makes each and every member of the audience, for five minutes, a rapist. It cajoles them into feeling that guilty lust. Whereas, till the late ’90s, no hero would feel lust for a genuine, golden-hearted woman. He’d always want to kiss her and the heroine would go away. Everything that has to do with the positive aspect of man-woman lust has been ingrained with guilt and violence, and what that means after 500 years of this kind of brainwashing, what you’re going to do is indulge in that violence. Because it’s a guilty pleasure. So because you’re repressing, you are perverting.
So what do you mean when you say you don’t like item numbers? You may not like this item number against that item number, but are you repressing and titillating at the same time. That is the most insidious way for controlling a large number of people for money.
The objects of affection The idea of objectification of women needs to be relooked in Bollywood
The objects of affection The idea of objectification of women needs to be relooked in Bollywood, Photo: AFP

ZA: See, between film and TV, you’re defining popular culture. There is nothing else. There’s no other education coming to you on how to speak to a woman. It’s not happening at home. It’s not happening in the neighbourhood. You’re watching how a film star is approaching a woman, and that’s what you’re copying. Having said that, yes, you should be responsible, but you can’t tell people what to do. You cannot want freedom to make what you want and then tell people they can’t make what they want. Who am I to tell people what to do? I can keep putting out stuff, I can keep speaking, and hopefully, it will change. At the end of the day, no movie, no TV show, is as influential as your parents. You need to take responsibility for yourself. Teach your kids. It’s not my responsibility to teach your kids.
DB: But the fact is that we are vocal, we will run anywhere they allow us to speak, but you will not find us giving this interview on the front page of an entertainment daily. Why is that? Because those newspapers are owned and run by people who have that nexus with Bollywood to sell as many stars and as many films, which are easily consumable. Hence, they have to conform to those racial, sexual and social stereotypes, so that they can sell more things. It’s all about consumerism, which is why we will always have a huge mainstream entertainment conforming to everything that helps sell.
Which very nicely brings me to my next point. Zoya, your father’s body of work as a scriptwriter channelised a lot of the popular frustrations over the direction this country was going in. However, the masala entertainer has changed over the years, and Bollywood seems to have disengaged itself from the prevailing social questions of the day. Filmmakers, it seems, refuse to take a stand on anything political.
ZA: No, people are taking a stand on political things. The first film that comes to mind is Prakash Jha’s Chakravyuha, that deals with Naxalism. But we’re also the flux generation, with the Internet and other changes. The middle class has increased. In the ’50s and ’60s, the middle class was a very small proportion, and they were all educated professionals. Today, the middle class has increased, and with them, it’s about money, not necessarily about culture or education. People are just subscribing to something more aspirational. The thought is, “It’s all screwed up. Nothing is going to change. Am I going to get the life I want?” I find that the essence of most people I meet. That in the middle of all this, am I going to get my house, my car, my girlfriend, my trip abroad?
DB: Absolutely. I think there are two aspects to this. Today, we see the ’70s or the ’80s Parallel Cinema as this phenomenon that was very prominent and upfront in the cultural mainstream. But the fact is that it was not. It was as alternative, as subterrannean as many of our films are today. In those days, these films were seen as something that people never saw. Those films came, and there were a few Siri Fort releases and those films got as drowned out by Himmatwalla or Suhaag as any film today. Today we look at it because a few of us, who are Western-educated elites, remember only those films from that era. The fact is that it was fighting for space even then.
Now, the films that you mention, the Angry Young Man films of Salim-Javed and all that, they are more a creative victory than a social one. It’s just that there was a group of people who were erudite, who were poets, who were rooted in the language of India, who knew what interior India was like. They happened to come into this new industry, and what they had to say — which would have been more alternative if they had written it as a poem or story — found a mass cultural medium. I think it was an accident.
ZA: I also don’t think that they were aware. I think it was what they were and where they came from. They were angry at the system, and I think they were just writing what they liked. I don’t think they had some sort of context that people are feeling this, let’s put it out. Now when you look back at them, it seems like a social phenomenon, but all that came after. And they had people willing to work with them.
How has that changed today? Why is that not happening today? They were still mainstream…
DB: There is Zanjeer and Deewar, and there is Manthan and Ankur. Zanjeer had Amitabh Bachchan and Pran. Now, Amitabh Bachchan was no Rajesh Khanna at that point, but neither was he an Anant Nag. When Shyam Benegal makes Ankur with Anant Nag and Shabana Azmi — who was not yet the Shabana Azmi of Parvarish — you see the rebellion of the village tribal against the dominant middle class. You see the same in Manthan. You are seeing a social rebellion, which is being projected by a genuine dyed-in-the-wool Western-educated elite like Shyam Benegal, but he has completely taken the side of the downtrodden. The fact is that there was a section of the middle class which wanted to rebel, for whatever Leftist associations. What happened in the ’90s was the complete collapse of Leftism the world over and the complete victory of consumerism. Over the last 20 years, all Leftist and alternative theory has been banished to subaltern studies. What it does is that it convinces the middle class, “Boss, forget rebelling and get on the bus.” It’s not an Indian phenomenon; it’s happening the world over. And a change will come. What you’re asking is why the 2010s can’t be the ’70s; what I’m saying is that the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 and after that things can’t be the same.
But it’s not just that people aren’t taking a stand. Have people have stopped commenting on it?
DB: That is what Zoya was saying. When you take a terribly deprived nation and you suddenly move it at a breakneck speed towards mainstream consumerism, it’s the fascination for the new and the hunger of the hungry that dominates thought. The middle class, which wants to get its grip over the assets of the whole country before anyone else does, will never speak about poverty and analyse it. It’s only the dissidents, only people who are schooled in some kind of thought which saves space in your brain for the Other, they get into this exercise. And most of the time, it becomes a bleeding-heart exercise. The poor can’t make films, because films need money. The poor can write songs, they can write stories, they can paint pictures. Cinema is essentially a middle class and upper-middle class technique, because it needs organised infrastructure and capital to make it. There is no way you can sustain the film industry without the bourgeois middle class.
ajachi@tehelka.com

[Editor's cut] The House of Hunger and Mr Bumble’s Bungled Bill

If a neighbour hoards food and lets it rot as his children starve, what would we do? Report him to the authorities. Shame him. Boycott him. In the pantheon of the morally corrupt and sick minded, he would figure near the crest. Sadly, we forego such passions when the State practices that cruelty. The government’s failure to introduce its much-touted Food Security Bill yet in the ongoing budget session of Parliament is a travesty for India’s hundreds of millions of the hungry poor.
The proposed law has both detractors and champions. Activist Jean Drèze lauds its provisions, especially with regard to defining the role of the administrative and delivery machinery that would supply the subsidised foodgrain. A study that data analysis agency Crisil Research released on 30 April said the scheme would likely free up Rs 4,400 a year in the hands of every poor family — known as the ‘Below Poverty Line’ or BPL household — in some of the states. This is nearly twice the amount such a family spends annually on its bills for health, education and nutritious protein-rich food.
The Food Security Bill is nothing if not ambitious. In 2009-10, only 33-44 percent of the BPL households could buy subsidised foodgrain from the government public distribution system (PDS). The Food Security Bill grandly aims to extend that cover to three of every four rural citizens and one of two in urban areas. A large number of the BPL poor can’t avail the PDS because they don’t have the mandatory ration cards.
The Bill envisages additional identification mechanisms. Under it, rice would retail at Rs 3 per kg, wheat at Rs 2 and millet Rs 1. Individuals can buy up to 5 kg; the poorest 35 kg. Children up to six years old and pregnant and lactating women would get free meals.
So why isn’t the Bill tabled in Parliament yet? Much blame has been laid on the disinterest of Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar in pushing the Bill. The teeth of the opposition to it are, however, much wider. Even the Planning Commission overseen by Montek Singh Ahluwalia has been in dissonance with the Bill on who to cover. The Commission is averse to the subsidised grain going to over 37 percent people.
Predictably, neoliberal proponents who seek to end the welfare State baulk at the subsidy of $24 billion the sale would annually entail. In a blog dated 31 March, corporate honcho-turned-columnist Gurcharan Das argued that providing subsidised food to India’s poor would mean giving them “something for nothing and weaken the work ethic”. (Remember former Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney said America’s poor were “moochers”? He lost.)
Das churns out the old arguments that have repeatedly failed across Europe and North America: that the government should concern itself with building infrastructure alone and let industry take charge of the economy in an environment of free enterprise to spread jobs and prosperity. In any case, how can a people — perhaps as numerous as 800 million — possibly contribute to building an economy if they are chronically underfed, anaemic and ill, and suffer from severe malnutrition?
India’s poor are among the worst-off in the world. Half of its rural children are malnourished. Reportedly, one of three citizens between the ages of 15 and 49 is underdeveloped. Perhaps a quarter of the world’s malnourished are in India. Yet, India has bumper harvests year after year. It is projected that last year, India produced a whopping 250 million tonnes of foodgrain. Sadly, it is estimated that up to 20 million tonnes are lost annually because the country doesn’t have adequate storage capacity for it. Much of it rots away. On the other hand, per capita grain consumption has declined since 1972-73.
West Europe and North America could hardly have obtained their prosperity of the last century without their governments playing an overarching role in providing basic services, including cheap food, to their people. And yes, in more ways than one, those governments underwrote (as many still do) the supply chain of those services. It was only once their people were healthier, fitter and more educated that industry could move in to play its role in building the economy. It is time India went all out to convert the Food Subsidy Bill into a historic law to rewrite the compact with its millions.
ajit@tehelka.com

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