Flying deep inside the Rafale deal controversy

Though the NDA government has remained in controversies for its decisions like demonetisation and roll out of the Goods and Services Act, it had never been charged with corruption. The significance of the Rafale deal is that this is the first major corruption charge against the government and the opposition has found an issue which it could drum up during the election year. Although corruption charges have not been substantiated with any hard evidence, the issue is likely to resonate all through the election campaign unless the government comes out with convincing replies.

There are at least two aspects of the deal which require clarifications and explanations to the general public. One is that the price of each jet has been increased by a whopping 1000 crore per aircraft to about 1600 crore. The massive increase sounds unbelievable and unrealistic but the opposition has produced two documents to bolster its claim. The first document stated that the Rafale aircraft price was 670 crore per aircraft. This was stated by Minister of State for Defence in the Lok Sabha on November 8, 2016, while answering a question on the acquisition of fighter aircraft.

He had stated, and it is part of the official proceedings of Lok Sabha, that “an inter-governmental agreement with the Government of French Republic was signed on 23 September 2016 for the purchase of 36 Rafale aircraft along with requisite equipment, services and weapons. Cost of each Rafale aircraft is approximately 670 crore and all the aircraft would be delivered by April 2022”.

The other document is a press release by the Reliance Defence and Aerospace, which is the Indian partner of the French manufacturer of Rafale. In a press release dated February 16, 2017, it had stated that the total price of the deal was about 60,000 crore for 36 aircraft or 1,660 crore per aircraft.

The second significant aspect of the deal, which was signed by French prime minister Emmanuel Macron and his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi in April 2015 in Paris, was that the earlier plan was to purchase 126 aircraft but the number was reduced to 36 in the revised deal. The charge is that it was done without consulting the Air Force or the Defence ministry. The actual requirements of the Air Force is much higher as its depleting fleet has not been strengthened for a long time.

The third controversy relating to the deal is the involvement of a newly constituted private company, Reliance Defence Ltd, belonging to Anil Ambani. The earlier deal had public sector unit Hindustan Aeronautics Limited as part of negotiations for offset contract. The decision to drop the established and tested HAL in favour of the new Reliance Company was indeed baffling. The Company was floated barely two weeks before the deal was signed. The government has, however, defended this aspect by stating that it had nothing to do with the partnership as it was a decision of the Dassault Aviation Company which manufactures Rafale fighter aircraft.

Congress, which has been hit in the past by several scams like the infamous Bofors deal, has been in the forefront of the attack on the  Rafale deal. It took up the issue both inside and outside the Parliament and described it as the “mother of all scandals”. While several parties belonging to the UPA kept away from the protests, it found support from the Left parties and the Aam Aadmi Party.

The attack was bolstered by two former ministers who had served in the Atal Behari Government-Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie, and a leading Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan. They said there were no additional add-ons and yet the country will pay 1,000 crore more per plane as compared to the earlier deal. They said such an agreement between Reliance Defence and Dassault Aviation, which makes Rafale jets, should have come after governmental approval.

Former union minister Sinha, who had been openly criticising the government on various issues, said Bofors “pales into insignificance” when compared to this “scam”. He and Shourie said statements of then foreign secretary S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar suggest that none of them was aware of the new deal to buy 36 jets, against 126 aircraft as per a Request for Proposal issued in 2007, for which Dassault had been selected as it was the lowest bidder.

They also said there were no additional add-ons as per Indian specifications, as claimed by the government, compared to the original RFP. They quoted the joint statement by India and France on April 10, 2015, which mentioned that the 36 jets to be delivered by Dassault “and associated systems and weapons would be delivered on the same configuration as had been tested and approved by the Indian Air Force”.

Shourie described it an “enormous scandal which jeopardises national security” and asked the government to make details of the deal public. Pointing out that offset guidelines of the government issued on April 1, 2016, mention that “all offset proposals will be processed by the Acquisition Manager and approved by Raksha Mantri, regardless of their value”, he said Dassault’s deal with Reliance Defence could not have happened “without a nudge and a wink” from the government.

A joint statement issued by the three said, “Could an experienced manufacturer like Dassault have picked a company that had no experience whatsoever of manufacturing aircraft…without the approval from the government?” It said a “private party which has had absolutely no experience in manufacturing aerospace and defence equipment has been handed an enormous financial benefit.” They demanded an audit by Comptroller and Auditor General.

Surprisingly, barring a couple of newspapers, the media has ignored the issue. The press conference by the three was not covered by large sections of the media while some pushed it to inside pages. One of the prominent English dailies gave the headline to a two column report on the press conference, which also included the statement of Union finance minister Arun Jaitley, that read: “Jaitely rubbishes wild allegations on Rafale deal” without giving any benefit of doubt to those making the allegations.

Jaitley said in a blog post that there “is not a grain of truth in the wild allegations repeated today nor anything substantiating in the purported facts and voluminous documents marshalled to corroborate the baseless accusations”. He went on to say that the “allegations constitute nothing but reprocessed lies by forces increasingly desperate to prove their relevance”.

He said, “those raising alarm about the alleged danger to national security ought to realise their responsibility and refrain from politicising for narrow individual ends those very matters pertaining to the defence of the nation that were consistently ignored by them and by those with whom they sympathise”.

However, this explanation is not adequate and the government needs to come out with more details and clarifications on the deal while keeping in mind national security aspects. The Congress and other opposition parties are certain to milk the deal to tarnish the image of the government. There is no doubt a confidential clause between the Indian and the French governments which must be respected but the clearing of certain doubts would help the government in defending the deal.

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AAP’s ‘Bhaichara Kanwar Yatra’ set to win support in Haryana

It would be the first time for AAP when they will contest elections in Haryana next year. Four years ago, the party successfully contested parliamentary polls in neighbouring Punjab and won four seats. Last year, AAP also contested the assembly polls in Punjab and tasted success. AAP emerged as the main opposition party in the state although at one time it looked like it would come to power in the state.

AAP also ventured unsuccessfully in Goa elections. But for now, the party is only concentrating in Haryana where it spots a big chance. With the Indian National Lok Dal out of power for about 15 years and Congress struggling to come to grip after ruling Haryana for 10 years, AAP feels it has the best chance in 2019 to come to power if the anti-incumbency factor grows against the ruling BJP.

In the name of establishing ‘bhaichara’ (brotherhood) among the Haryanvis, AAP is making sincere efforts to reach out to the people. One such move of the party was visible when it undertook a yatra campaign from Haridwar to Rohtak in Haryana from August 1 to 9 carrying the pious Gangajal and distributing it to the leaders of various parties after the end of the yatra.

AAP aptly named its innovative move ‘Bhaichara Kanwar Yatra’. The yatra was led by AAP president in Haryana, Naveen Jaihind. A group of AAP volunteers began the Bhaichara yatra from Haridwar on August 1 during the Holy Shravan month. On its way, it passed through Panchkula, Chandigarh, Ambala, Kaithal and finally ended at Rohtak.

Talking to Tehelka, Naveen Jaihind said all the AAP volunteers first took a dip in the holy Ganges before embarking upon the yatra. The volunteers then began a foot march carrying the kanwar. Jaihind said they plan to distribute Gangajal to various people, including Haryana Chief Minister, his cabinet ministers, MLAs, opposition leaders to request them to ensure ‘bhaichara’ (brotherhood) in the state.

“The political leaders always speak ill of others. This Gangajal will remind them of their duties and responsibilities,” said Naveen Jaihind.

He also said that Gangajal will help cleanse the minds of the political leaders. AAP never ever thinks of doing any harm to the people. The party is always for the progress, welfare and development of the state and the people. “The Gangajal will help these political leaders become pious and wise and they start working for the welfare of the people without hampering the peace and brotherhood in Haryana.”

The Gangajal given to the BJP leaders will remind them of their forgotten promises. The BJP promised development, jobs to the youth, law and order and maintaining peace and brotherhood in the state, but it has miserably failed on all these fronts. It is, therefore, time these leaders realise how they have failed the people, he said.

Jaihind went on to say that it was not just the BJP which had failed the people. The Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) and the Congress party were equally to blame for this. There is leadership fight in the Congress. Both senior Congress leader and former Chief Minister of Haryana, Bhupinder Singh Hooda and Haryana Congress president Ashok Tanwar have been at loggerheads with each other for long. Both the leaders are also holding yatras in their own capacity. While Bhupinder Singh Hooda has been holding his Jan kranti yatra on a chariot, Tanwar has been taking out his ‘Cycle Rally’ to gain attention and build a vote base.

He even said said both leaders have personal interest in their mind. It is most unfortunate that they do not think about the welfare of the people. Their only objective is to grab the Chief Minister’s post if their respective parties come to power in Haryana. But the AAP aims to create brotherhood among various sections of people. “We want to restablish the peace and harmony among the 36 biradari disturbed by various events in the past including the violent agitations,’’ said Jaihind.  

Highlighting on the casteism in the state, he was of the opinion that the BJP government at the centre and in Haryana has only promoted casteism and religious bigotry during its four years’ reign and disturbed the peace and brotherhood among different communities both in the state and the rest of the country. In the name of casteism riots are taking place everywhere and the BJP and other parties are taking full advantage of the disturbed situation. “It was AAP which launched a ‘Meri Jati Hindustani’ campaign in Rohtak for establishing communal peace and harmony,’’ said Jaihind.

The AAP president said they will also give the Gangajal to Jat leader and president of the All India Jat Andolan Sangharsh Samiti (AIJASS) Yashpal Malik and BJP’s MP from Kurukshetra Rajkumar Saini over their utterances which tended to disturb the communal peace in the state time and again.

As per the Panchkula district head of AAP, Yogeshwar Sharma, Aam Aadmi Party has always focused on the wellbeing of the people. “We do not compromise with our principles,’’ he said.

Sharma said the `Bhaichara kanwar yatra’ helped create a goodwill for the AAP in both the rural and the urban belt of Haryana. “It created curiosity and a positive vibe among the people. We are also carrying out a membership drive in the state. In this regard I have held several meetings in Panchkula and Kalka, said Sharma.

However, commenting on the `Bhaichara Kanwar Yatra’ of the AAP, Pawan Jain, former Media Congress of the Haryana Congress said AAP leaders always indulge in dramas. “AAP does not have a base in Haryana. They try various tactics to influence people but no one ever takes them seriously. The Congress party under Bhupinder Singh Hooda will form the government after next elections in Haryana. People are fed up with the BJP rule in Haryana based on falsehood. The BJP government has failed on all fronts. People of the state will vote it out next time,’’ said Pawan Jain.

But senior BJP leader and Health Minister of Haryana, Anil Vij said BJP has fulfilled all the expectations of the people who voted it to power four years ago. “The opposition will not prove any match to the BJP,” he said.

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Trade expansion likely to boost India-Vietnam ties

The Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi and the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Mr. Tran Dai Quang witnessing the exchange of agreements, at Hyderabad House, in New Delhi on March 03, 2018.

As India and Vietnam celebrate 45 years of bilateral relations by upgrading their Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the future seems to hold a lot of potential for the two nations. The rising power of India, not just in South Asian region but with considerable clout in the Indo Pacific, will be more balanced than before, said Vietnamese envoy to India, Ton Sinh Thanh.

India is one of the three nations with which Vietnam has Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the other two being China and Russia. It was during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit two years ago that the partnership was elevated. Vietnam has Strategic Partnership with 11 countries. Vietnam boosts of US$2,100 per capita per annum.

This year will see more dialogues between India and Vietnam. Visits from India include a just concluded trip of Defence Minister of India, Nirmala Seetharaman. A Defence Dialogue will soon take place in Delhi. External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj will visit Vietnam to co-chair a joint meeting in the end of August. According to sources, the President of India is likely to visit Vietnam by the end of this year. 

Regarding India’s role in the Southeastern region and the Indo Pacific for establishing peace and stability, the Vietnamese Ambassador said, “India is moving fast. It is becoming a strong player in the region and will now look over a bigger space in the Indo Asia Pacific region. Its role will be played out in the extended neighbourhood. We welcome India’s new role and its engagement in the region, so does the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).” Thanh said, “India’s increasing role and growing power will act as a balancing element in the region.”

Trade between India and Vietnam has scope to expand further. Ambassador Thanh said, ‘’FTA between India and ASEAN should be upgraded and expanded for the pact to deliver desired results. ‘’Vietnam wants to diversify trade with different countries specially India which is a big market and a big investor.’’ There is need to expand the agreement to
include more products, the ambassador added.

Last year, the trade between India and Vietnam stood at US$7.56 billion, a very small amount compared to other countries of the world that stood at US$420 billion last year. In the year 2016-17 investment from India to Vietnam was a little more than US$800 million which is very small in comparison to the total of US$300 billion investment from the world. Indian companies are investing to the tune of US$40 billion a year in the world whereas in Vietnam it was merely US$100-150 million a year. Thanh said, ‘’There is a lot of potential for Indian companies to invest in Vietnam. Big groups like Mahindra and Adani are looking for investing in Vietnam.” Vietnam has a good foreign investment regime, labour cost is low. Bilateral trade with Vietnam is much lesser in trade with India even in the ASEAN countries. With Singapore it is US$20 billion and with Indonesia, Malaysia around US$18 billion. Vietnam has a 100 billion trade with China.

Elucidating the demand in Vietnam’s textile sector, the Ambassador informed that textile was one sector where Vietnam imported to a tune of around US $10 billion every year. He expressed that India has the capacity of meeting Vietnam’s demands for textile inputs. ‘’If trade was opened up, we could be importing a lot of items from India’’, he said. ‘’There a potential of 20 billion trade in textile to Vietnam from India which is a possibility waiting to be explored. Vietnam needs it and this is the time’’. Presently investment from India is merely US$1 billion, there is scope for much more like in energy, especially in solar energy and tourism.

India and Vietnam commonalities are abound as both countries are rapidly growing economies. Vietnam’s growth rate last year was at 6.8 per cent and in the previous years, it has even touched 9 per cent. The Ambassador said that while the defence ties were robust, the economic relation could still be taken much forward. And the cultural ties needed to be tapped. He informed Vietnam exports are more than the country’s GDP. The South eastern country is trading with more than 200 countries presently.

India, although, has objections to China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Vietnam is still studying the various aspects of the initiative. “We have to figure out if it is good for us or not. If it is good, we will join it, if not, we will stay away from it,” he said. Unlike India, however, Vietnam had attended the big BRI meet that China organised last summer.

Thanh did not mince words on the Indo Pacific saying India’s vision on the Indo-Pacific, which was revealed in Modi’s address at the Shangri-La Dialogue recently, was similar to Vietnam’s approach, which is about inclusiveness, openness and engagement rather than confrontation. “We, in fact, refer to the area as Indo Asia Pacific,” he said.

Vietnam has issues with the growing Chinese footprint in the South China Sea and it wants a rules based order to prevail (like India does). “Vietnam will raise its voice, asking for support from other countries, including those outside the region because so many vessels pass through the seas (which makes other nations also stakeholders).”

In the absence of direct flight from New Delhi to Hanoi tourist traffic to Vietnam and India is considerably poor. It is a roadblock that the two governments are working upon. The
Ambassador informed that connectivity between the two capitals is being worked out and talks are being held. Currently, only Jet Airways operates flights to Ho Chi Minh City from New Delhi and Mumbai via Bangkok.

Last year 110,000 tourists visited Vietnam while 22 million Indians travelled abroad. 3.5 million Indians went to South Asia out of them 1.6 million went to Thailand alone. Vietnamese come to India for pilgrim.

Vietnam is expecting 1,70,000 visitors this year, as per reports. The number of Indian tourists to Vietnam has risen from 16,000 in 2010 to an estimated 1,10,000 last year, Thanh informed and called for promoting India as a destination for Vietnamese. As per the embassy figures 20 million Indians travel overseas every year, while only 90,000 of them go to visit Vietnam. Thanh said the first direct air service between Vietnam’s most populous city Ho Chi Minh City and New Delhi is likely to commence by the last quarter of this financial year.

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Arrest of activist Dr Shahidul Alam leads to disparagement in Bangladesh

Bangladesh is in the international media, but once again for wrong reasons. Strong voices and pressures being mounted over the Bangla government in Dhaka from various parts of the world to release a well-known Bangladeshi photographer, social & human rights activist Dr Shahidul Alam, who was recently arrested from his residence. Alam made critical comments against the government and the authority termed it as against the nation. He was subsequently picked up by a group of over 25 plain clothed police officers from his Dhanmondi residence on the night of August 5. Prior to that, Alam participated in a talk show of Al Jazeera, where he made serious complain against the government.

He openly said that the AL leader (Hasina) continued clinging to power by brutal forces and she had already lost the moral ground to continue as the premier of Bangladesh. The sixty-plus activist ended up asserting the Hasina regime in Dhaka as authoritarian and it would definitely lose a free & fair election in the country.

The incident that pained Alam took place on July 29, when a speeding privately operated bus ran over two teenagers killing them and injuring few others in the Bangla capital city. A number of students initially assembled there as a protest to the killings and they demanded a road safety guidelines for the country. But soon the protest transformed into an anti-government actions.

Dhaka witnessed widespread demonstrations by thousands of students against the government. Finally the Hasina regime started taking strong actions against the demonstrators. In a similar protest program on 5 August, the police forces along with few masked youths (attached to the AL) harassed the agitating individuals using batons, tear gas, rubber bullets etc.

The masked youths with sticks in hands also targeted the scribes. Over twenty reporters and photo journalists sustained injuries in a single day. Alam was also on the spot and he was also targeted by the goons. Later in the evening Alam joined in a television talk show and criticized the authority for mismanaging the situation.

For two days, Alam’s anthropologist wife Rahnuma Ahmed and other well-wishers found it difficult to get his access. Later the high court ordered the authority to check Alam’s health in the government medical college and finally after due processes he was sent to the jail. On his appearance to court, Alam claimed that he was mentally and physically abused by the police.

As Alam, who leads Drik gallery, an acclaimed photo agency, and Pathshala South Asian Media Institute, a school of photography and multimedia journalism, was a familiar face for the Dhaka based media outlets, his arrest was covered by all national and international media persons. So sympathy waves in favour of the internationally commended photographer emerged very fast.

Condemnation from various influential international outfits poured against the government. From Amnesty International to Human Rights Watch to South Asians for Human Rights everyone put strong words against the Hasina regime and demanded immediate release of Alam. Civil society and media rights bodies like Transparency International Bangladesh, Reporters Without Borders, Committee to Protect Journalists etc issued statements asking the government or Alam’s unconditional release.

Four internationally accepted intellectuals namely Noam Chomsky, Naomi Klein, Arundhati Roy and Vijay Prashad also raised voices for Alam’s immediate release. Pointing out over tortures on Alam in prison, they asserted that it was dismay for the intellectual world. The government, which handed over prestigious award Shilpakala Padak to Alam, should respect his dignity and release Alam after dropping all charges framed against him.

A group of over 100 petitioners urged the government to investigate allegations of unlawful arrest and torture on Alam. They also demanded that the government should stop repression of students, academics, journalists and human rights activists.

Singed by Central Women’s University vice-chancellor Dr Perween Hasan, Illinois State University professor Dr Ali Riaz, Massachusetts University professor Dr Elora Halim Chowdhury,  Dhaka University professors Dr Asif Nazrul, Dr Amena Mohsin, Dr Shahnaz Huda, Dr Chowdhury Abrar, Rice University professor Dr Elora Shehabuddin,  BRAC University professor Dr Firdous Azim, Jahangirnagar University professor Dr Anu Muhammad etc, the petition demanded Alam’s early release.

Other who endorsed the petition included human rights defenders Dr Hameeda Hossain, Shaheen Anam, Rezaur Rahman Lenin, Nasiruddin Elan, Sheepa Hafiza, rights activists Dr Iftekhar Zaman, Tasaffy Hossain, Nur Khan, Dr Tasnim Azim, health rights activist Dr Zafrullah Chowdhury, women’s rights activists Shireen P Huq, Muktasree Chakma, Maheen Sultan, lawyers Syeda Rizwana Hasan, Adilur Rahman Khan, Cynthia Farid, Masud Khan, Ziaur Rahman, Devashish Roy etc.

Internationally acclaimed Indian photo journalist Raghu Rai, while sending a letter to PM Hasina, argued that Bangladesh is a country of poets, writers, artists, musicians etc, and honouring the spirit of democracy, the government should release Alam unconditionally and in a dignified manner.

The Bangla media fraternity under the banner of various journalist unions recently staged a protest demonstration in front of the national press club in Dhaka demanding stringent punishments against the  goons (read pro-AL activists) who attacked the scribes
during duty hours in the student’s protest demonstration.

The agitating journalists also declared that they would increase the intensity of protests in due course of time.

It may be noted that  Bangladesh in 2017 witnessed over 30 cases of assaults on journalists, where one murder (of Abdul Hakim Shimul from Dainik Samakal) was reported. The opposition BNP claimed that the AL leaders had filed over 75,000 bogus cases involving lakhs of political leaders and social activists.

Facing the heat, Prime Minister Hasina commented in the media space that the political opponents were using the turmoil to stir up anti-government sentiment as the nation was approaching for next parliamentary polls. She however assured that harsh punishments (read death penalty) would be pronounced against the callous drivers causing human losses.

Sajeeb Wazed Joy, Hasina’s son also stepped into the social media questioning Alam’s intention to allege that he was tortured by the police.

Joy went on speaking that the attending doctors in the medical college found no injuries on Alam’s body and the international media directly talked to the hospital authority to get it confirmed. But Alam during his court appearance alleged in front of news cameras that he was hurt and so  found difficulties in walking.

Though  emerged as a secular republic in 1971, Bangladesh soon lost its charismatic leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to assailants. Slowly the country went to dictator’s hand and it continued till 1990. The country regained democracy next year with the win of AL under the leadership of Hasina.

The last general elections in 2014 merged with violence allegedly propagated by the ruling party. The BNP boycotted the polls and many opposition candidates withdrew their candidature because of AL leader’s threats. The run up to the next parliamentary elections by the end of 2018 thus  promises disturbance and violence once again.

 The author is a Guwahati based political commentator

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Will updated NRC lead to humanitarian crisis?

Many, perhaps the entire country started to look at Assam with shock and surprise after July 30 morning when the second draft of National Register of Citizens (NRC), 1951, was released with over 40.07 lakh residents missing in the draft. NRC is believed to solve the illegal Bangladeshi migrants problem that Assam is facing since the Partition.

Sailesh, the Register General of India (RGI), releasing the draft in Guwahati said of the total 3, 29, 91, 384 applicants, 2, 89, 83, 677 were found to be eligible for inclusion in the draft NRC with March 24, 1971, as the cut-off date. This means 4,007,707 applicants allegedly “failed” to prove that they or their forefathers came in Assam on or before March 24, 1971, as per the cut-off date in Assam Accord , 1985, signed by former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and those leading the “historic” Assam Agitation or the anti-foreigners movement between 1979 and 1985.

This sparked strong criticism from international media, many of whom projected it as an “anti-Muslim” despite the fact that those who missed the draft NRC belonged to different religions and the indigenous people too. It is to note that the work on NRC began following an order of the Supreme Court in 2013 and is being monitored by the apex court.

The Centre and Assam government have repeatedly assured that those who were left out had nothing to worry and could submit their claims of citizenship between August 30 and September 28 for the inclusion of their names in the final updated NRC, likely to be released in December. 

Many in Assam now fear that this would turn into a “humanitarian crisis” once the final NRC is out as India is unable to deport the migrants due to lack of a deportation or repatriation treaty with neighbouring Bangladesh.

“If the number of foreign nationals who settled in Assam after March 24, 1971, is huge and their country of origin do not want to take them, what will be their fate? They are India’s
liability: whether we like them or not. It will be a humanitarian crisis for India,” said former director general of Assam police, Harekrishna Deka, in his post on Facebook.  Deka, also a Sahitya Akademi awardee, was a superintendent of police and a deputy inspector general of police during the Assam Agitation.

Confusion and fear of being declared “Bangladeshis” was all prevalent at Hatisola and four other neighbouring villages having maximum Bengali Muslim population in Kamrup district, about 80-km west of Guwahati where nearly 5,000 residents missed their names in the draft NRC.

Ainal Hoque, a 47-year-old farmer looked confused as he came rushing to NRC Seva Kendra at Hatisola with documents. Names of him and a son, Aminul, 8, were there in the first draft of NRC released on December 31 last year but the final draft saw names of all six members of his family missing.

“On August 6, I got a letter saying that the names of my family were dropped as a case is registered in the Foreigner Tribunal where I have to prove that I am not a foreigner. But, I did not receive any notice neither from a tribunal nor from police about the case earlier. I had submitted 1966 voters list which had my father’s name (Asmut Sheikh) as a legacy data to prove our citizenship and inclusion in the NRC,” a visibly worried Ainal told the Tehelka at Hatisola.

“Names of my elder brother’s family is there who had submitted the same legacy data of our father. Now, I am clueless what to do,” he said.

Many like Ainal crowded the Seva Kendra on August 10 when the process began to collect forms for submission of claims for inclusion in the NRC.

Large number of Muslims like Ainal’s forefather were welcomed by the British to Assam in the 19th century to grow food in the vast barren lands in the state. Bengali Hindus migrated during and after the partition, mainly due to “religious persecution” in East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh in March 1971. Many returned after Bangladesh was liberated but some stayed back fearing threat in their home. 

The flow of the migrants to Assam, however, continued even after 1971 as vast stretch of the 263-km border with Bangladesh remained unfenced and those who settled in Assam got “support” from some political parties. The continuous infiltration of illegal migrants from Bangladesh left the indigenous people increasingly threatened of losing their identity, culture and become politically weak against the fast-growing population of the “Bangladeshis.” This triggered the Assam Agitation mainly led by All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) between 1979 and 1985, in which 855 indigenous people sacrificed their lives while thousands of suspected Bangladeshi migrants had also died in attacks by the anti-foreigner agitators. The agitation ended with the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985 which primarily agreed to detect and deport illegal migrants from Bangladesh and safeguard the identity of the indigenous Assamese.

The updated NRC is likely to detect the post-1971 migrants, as agreed in the Assam Accord but their deportation is a challenge before the country.

So what would be the fate of those to be identified as “foreigners” through NRC?

“They can’t be treated like Rohingyas of Myanmar. They should be specifically given opportunities to earn the livelihood for survival, dignity or existence and opportunities for their children’s future. In such a circumstance, the government of India will have to treat them as a special category of foreigners as it was done for the Tibetan refugees. They have to be given a special identity card as resident foreigners by bringing in an amendment in the Foreigner’s Act. But there should be the restriction on voting and transfer of land for them,” suggested Deka.

Many, however, said such a mechanism was possible for the Tibetans as their number was less.

Former union home secretary, G K Pillai recently said in New Delhi that those be identified as foreigners could be given a work permit, a suggestion quickly rejected by local organisations including the influential AASU, which continued to demand implementation of the Assam Accord in letter and spirit: detection and deportation of the foreigners.

Assam’s experience of dealing with the foreigners so far has not been easy. Of the 79,000 persons declared foreigners by tribunals since 1985, more than 30,000 have gone missing while another 30,000 were “pushed back,” in which the foreigners are taken to the border and sent back across. More than 1,000 others are lodged in detention camps in six jails across Assam while another 2 lakh cases of suspected foreigners are pending in 100 foreigner tribunals, a quasi-judicial body dealing with suspected foreigners.

The humanitarian crisis situation

Assam is staring at the situation due to lack of an action plan about the fate of the foreigners to be identified in the NRC, according to many, could result in further conflicts similar to those during the Assam Agitation. Hindu hardliner groups like Vishwa Hindu Parishad or Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad led by former VHP leader Pravin Togaida, said those to be identified as Bangladeshis should be “thrown into the sea” or Indian army should capture a portion of Bangladesh and settle the migrants there. Many, however, termed the statements as “communal and divisive” with a political motive.

Upamanyu Hazarika, a Supreme Court lawyer who leads Prabajan Virodhi Manch has a straight answer: “The foreigners would leave Assam of their own if Assam government passes a legislation by reserving jobs, seats in educational institutes and land only for those whose forefathers were residents of Assam in 1951.”

Post-NRC way forward

Update of the National Register of Citizens (NRC), 1951, in Assam with March 24, 1971 cut-off will fulfil the 33-year-long promise in the 1985 Assam Accord signed between former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the anti-foreigner agitators led by All Assam Students’ Union.

Many in Assam, however, say a correct NRC would only be a partial implementation of the historic Accord that promised detection and deportation of the foreigners, sealing of the India-Bangladesh borders in Assam and constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards to indigenous Assamese population.

“The ultimate solution to the threat posed by influx to Assamese identity and culture lies in the implementation of the Assam Accord in to,” AASU leaders said in Guwahati, days after the second draft of NRC was released.

While the BJP-led government in the state said the 48-km (still unfenced borders) of the total 262-km Assam-Bangladesh border, would be fenced by December this year, many in Assam believe that the demand for constitutional and administrative safeguards would step up after the publication of the updated NRC.

Clause 6 of Assam Accord says Constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards, as may be appropriate, shall be provided to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people. The clause, however, has remained unimplemented mainly due to lack of a definition of who is an indigenous Assamese.

Assam government in 2015 had said that the term Assamese people shall mean and include all indigenous tribals, non-tribals and local linguistic population of Assam living within the four geographical boundaries of the state and all genuine Indian citizens who have permanently settled within the four geographical boundaries of Assam and accepted practices, propagated and patronised the local language and culture of Assam as their own. This definition, however, has not yet been accepted by many including AASU which proposed that those enlisted in the 1951 NRC and their descendants are Assamese.

The ever growing fear of the indigenous people about the threat posed to their identity and culture by “foreigners” was evident when Narendra Modi-led government introduced the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016 in the Parliament. The bill seeks to expedite the process of granting citizenship by naturalisation to persecuted Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian communities who entered India from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan before December 31, 2014. Thousands spilled onto the streets in May this year when the Joint Parliamentary Committee held its hearing in Guwahati and Silchar in Barak Valley. Although BJP is eager to pass the Bill to fulfil its pre-poll promise of citizenship to the “persecuted Hindus,” Asom Gana Parishad, its ally in Assam and student bodies like AASU is strongly against it.

Many in the Bengali dominate Barak Valley (three districts in South Assam), however, are in favour of the Bill.

“The basic fear of the ethnic people of Assam is that the language of migrated people from East Pakistan or Bangladesh: be it Hindu or Muslims is Bengali. The proposed provision in the Citizenship Act 1955 will give the illegal migrants the citizenship right despite even coming to Assam after March 24, 1971, and this will affect the entire ethnic people because of the threat faced by the indigenous people in their language, culture and heritage,” said a memorandum submitted to the JPC by Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, who lead the AASU during the agitation. Mahanta contested and won elections after signing the Accord in 1985 and became chief minister twice.

So, what could be the nature of safeguarding the indigenous Assamese as promised in Clause 6 of Assam Accord?

On this, Harekrishna Deka said, “It could be reservation of seats in the Legislative Assembly, in government jobs, in educational institutions, in government contracts up to a financial limit, restriction on transfer of land prohibiting non-indigenous from purchasing land, which is a utmost importance.” Many have been demanding that the safeguards be applicable to those who were Assam citizens in 1951 or before.

Amid the efforts to finalise the draft NRC, groups representing indigenous communities have stepped up agitation demanding Scheduled Tribe status to six more ethnic communities in the state: Tai Ahom, Moran, Mottock, Chutia, Koch Rajbongshi and Adivasis or those working in tea gardens. The Centre has set up a committee to work out modalities but the delay in filing its report has angered the groups.

The Centre has also decided to set up a committee to finalise the definition of who is an indigenous Assamese and till then the state’s population is set to be divided into three categories: the post-1951 citizens, those between 1951 to 1971 and the post-March 24, 1971 or the illegal migrants.

letters@tehelka.com

I didn’t lose gold, I won silver: Sindhu

This is the confidence which PV Sindhu was showing after the defeat in the finals of World Badminton Championship at Nanjing (China). Had she shown this grit in the finals against Spanish giant Carolina Marin, the result could have been different.

Sindhu has been losing all the finals continuously. She lost Rio Olympic final, then Hong Kong Open final twice in 2017 and 2018, Super Series Final 2017, Indian Open and Thailand Open finals in 2018 and now this Golden Girl of Indian Badminton PV Sindhu once again failed to clinch World title as she lost to Carolina Marin of Spain 19-21, 10-21 in 46 minutes in the women’s singles final of the BWF World Badminton Championships 2018 at Nanjing, China on Sunday. Sindhu, lost in the finals last year also but then her opponent was Japan’s Nozomi Okuhara, whom she beat here in quarterfinals. After the match, Sindhu said, “It is frustrating to lose in the final again. I will have to come back stronger and prepare for the next tournament”.

The first game was played on equal terms. Sindhu was moving quickly and compelling the Marin to commit mistakes. Her long serves and deep tosses making it difficult for the Marin to execute aggressive strokes. At one stage Sindhu was leading 14-9 this was the turning point. Here she let Marin off the hooks and gifted two points through unforced errors. This changed the whole scenario. Now Sindhu was dancing on Marin’s tune. The length of Sindhu’s parabolic tosses lost length; this made the Spaniard play her powerful smashes and deceptive drops quite easily. This made Sindhu upset and she lost her concentration. The focus Sindhu once lost could never be regained. This made the second game a one-sided affair. Sindhu was never in the contention. Marin wrapped up the match by conceding 10 points only.

With this medal, Sindhu has become the only Indian to have four world championship medals. Besides two silvers she had won two bronze medals at the 2013 Guangzhou and 2014 Copenhagen.

On the other hand, it is another feather in the cap of Marin. With this win, she has become the first women in the history of women badminton to win the world championships thrice — 2014, 2015 and 2018.

Sindhu started on a positive note. She was returning everything thrown on her by Marin. She was covering the court with agility. She matched the Spaniard stroke by stroke. She was pushing Marin to the baseline with her deep tosses and earning points with crosscourt delectable drops shots. Her net dribbles were effective and Marin was pushing most of them in the net. On the other hand, Marin’s crosscourt down the line strokes were falling wide. Her tosses were not deep enough to upset Sindhu.

Sindhu’s long services were troubling Marin continuously. She had no other choice than to clear the shuttle safely. This involved two players in long and exhausting rallies. Sindhu was in dominating position leading 14-9 and then 15-11.

Now, signs of fatigue started appearing on Sindhu’s face. Her body language changed. She started consuming more time in receiving service and more time in towelling; even umpire had to warn (not officially) her to come back quickly to the court. At that juncture perhaps her mind-body coordination got disturbed, and she started making unforced errors. Her state of mind was evident from her gestures. She was looking at Pullela Gopichand for some heavenly support after losing every point. She lost her confidence and the game at 19-21.

In fact, the match was over in first game itself. Her body language was very negative. She was exhausted mentally and physically. She never showed any signs of come back and surrendered the match in first five points which she gave in the start of the second game. This made Marin lead 5-0. This was the lead which never neutralized and Spaniard had no trouble in wrapping up the game 21-10 and thus clinched the world title the third time.  

This was the second consecutive defeat for Sindhu in the final of World Badminton Championship. After the match, Sindhu had shown the signs of frustration. Now after few days of the championship she has shown a confidence and took the things positively. She quoted Dough Williams, “Never give up, never give in, and when the upper hand is ours, may we have the ability to handle the win with the dignity that we absorbed the loss.”

letters@tehelka.com

Divisive tactics seen behind targeted eviction in Manipur

The modus operandi of selective targeting of minority Muslim community in the name of illegally encroachment and construction at the reserve forest area appears to be the new ‘divisive’ tactic of the present government in Manipur in particular. The issue of Kshetri Bengoon Awang Ching Mamang is an encroached illegally constructed area based on government perspective which needs to be discussed at length. Some relevant questions need to be asked constructively while discussing the argument here. Why did the government evict the Kshetri Bengoon Awang Ching Mamang areas? What are the role and responsibility of the government in the process of eviction through the undergoing process of demolition of many houses? What are the roles of Civil Society Organisations in this eviction process? Are there any hidden political and ideological agendas towards the demolition of many minority houses in the name of reserve forest area? Why did the government not evict the other community’s areas despite the fact that some of those were included in the reserve forest area and paddy agricultural wet land act? What are the rehabilitation programmes arranged by the government for the evicted people? All these questions need to be answered in the present hour.

As far as the question of historical background of Kshetri Bengoon Awang Ching Mamang issue is concerned, it is necessitated that there are around 74 houses including Masjid, Madarsas, government schools, etc. They obtained all the government facilities like water supply, aadhaar card, enrolling in the electoral roll since their settlement in the region, establishment of government anganwadhi centre, etc. Their total number of population is approximately 410 members. All of them drifted and relocated from other parts of Manipur such as Irong, Mayang Imphal, Kairang, Hatta, Golapati, Kshetri Bengoon and its adjoining areas. They started settling in that region since the beginning of 1970s. Why they made their dragging is probably because of the point that they could not get the bounteous space in their earlier settlement areas and search for inhabitation. They are yelhoumees (indigenous community) of the state not the ‘illegal’ migrants with the exception of three as claimed by the government skeptically. On the other hand, it is distinctly evident that no one even including the historians, anthropologists, sociologists, ethnologists has knowledge and put a question with respect to the large number of ‘illegal’ migrants around 400 members from Bangladesh and its contiguous territories particularly belonging to the local community of Manipur. They started settling in Durgapur (presently Lamdai Khunou) of Jiribam constituency since 2003 after being displaced all the earlier settlers who had inhabited in it since 1920s. They obtained all the government facilities. How and why they settled there is one serious question that needs to be addressed. This is possibly due to politics of displacement.

When the question of the roles of government towards the eviction process has been being asked time and again, it is stated out that this area is under forest reserve land. They claimed that they sent numbers of notification to the villagers to shift to other areas for resettlement. They started eviction process since 2015 in different places such as 15 houses in Langol area, 78 houses in Heigang reserve forest, etc. It stated that ‘the eviction drive is not vested against any person or community but in the interest of people of the state and to conserve the environment. The Government needs full cooperation of the people.’ This issue is being stayed back by the High Court of Manipur for some time. Without informing to them and untouchably other houses belonging to local community and tribes, they started demolishing forcibly all the 74 houses with the help of thousands of paramilitary forces. The problem is that the evicted area is only covered under the forest reserve land in 1990. Thus the question comes as how many of the reserve forest areas have not been evicted and how many got evicted in other local community and tribal areas. There are 2,799 illegally encroached constructed houses in different areas of Manipur as shown some of them in the Statistical Handbook of Manipur 2002. Even a step has not been taken so far with respect to the eviction process but they targeted the minority dominated areas. Why is it so? This is quite surprising seeing the step done by the government towards the minority community. The response is not yet confirmed from the government side. Moreover, it is not covered the so-called Lamyanba Robinhood cemetery area. Why is it so? The issue is cast doubt upon and not answerable.

All Manipur Muslim Organisation’s Coordinating Committee (AMMOCOC) and other representatives of Pangal’s CSOs through the 36 hours total shutdown all over the state on April 10, 2018, have been firstly opposing on the recent opaque and cloudy operation of government stunt emphasising on the displacement of some houses approximately 74 houses of minority community numbering around 410 (yelhoumees/Pangals) from several places under the pretext of reserve forest land. There was hue and cry all over the state regarding this issue. There was hugely lathi charged of police who used tear gas to drive out the masses in the assembled areas. Many persons got serious injured in the police brutality and lathi-charged. They have not paid the compensation for the serious injury caused to them. This total shutdown was called off due to the mutual understanding and signed an agreement that there would be an amicable solution within three weeks between the government and the CSOs of Pangals particularly under the leadership of AMMOCOC emphasising on the knowing of the sentiments of the affected villagers.

By violating the above signed agreement, not informing about the final case verdict undergoing in the High Court of Manipur and betraying the CSOs, full of heavy paramilitary forces exercised by the government of Manipur camped in the evening and grouped stage by stage towards the surrounding area for the demolition of Kshetri Bengoon Awang Ching Mamang areas houses except the mosque. There was resistant from some sections of the nearby areas including the CSOs of the representatives of the Manipuri Muslims but could not get enough strength to fight with the government forces for stoppage of the eviction process. Instead of trying to bring a peaceful solution, government enforced huge security forces and started demolishing houses without showing any mercy. Police fired shots and tear gas shells against those who stood against the demolition. Against such illegally eviction process, all the CSOs under the representative CSOs of Pangals particularly under the leadership of AMMOCOC president SM Jalal started second time total shutdown all over the state in which the on-going 24 hours total shut down strike would be extended for another 48 hours all over the state on July 3, 2018. Police behaved beastly character and beat them like animals while trying to stop the peaceful protest called by the CSOs and police even tried to kill one person.

Till now no arrangement of rehabilitation or alternative arrangement from the government side is there. Those affected villagers are staying as homeless in the relief camp opened in the primary school of Kshetri Bengoon Awang Leikai, Imphal East. Then the question comes to as right to life is lesser than right to forest. This is in gross violation of Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. Some club organisations, professional bodies, and other groups from different backgrounds help them in terms of giving cash, food, clothes, drinking water, etc. Subsequently, one quandary trait based on the eviction episode at Kshetri Bengoon Awang Ching Mamang is that some persons consciously or unconsciously tried to take the political edge on the issue in such a way that they even electrified the government step for the wrecking of proposed illegally constructed houses at the reserve forest area for their equitable interests. This is firmly affirmative that right to life and livelihood has been deprived through the different channelization of state sponsored activities towards the minority Muslim community.

So easy to make out that there are politico-religious hidden agendas towards the eviction process at the above said area. Nothing happened positively in the local dominated areas except the minority Muslim dominated areas. There is hardly any valid justification to eviction process at the local and tribal dominated areas. The eviction circumstance shows the present government’s leaning stance that there is a sidelining and inbred xenophobia in the politico-religious affairs on the state’s indigenous people that can be effortlessly divulged. Some enticements and interference from the current government side like the preceding government should be there to relocate or rehabilitate the affected villagers based on constitutional and humanitarian criterion and corpus juris. On hindsight, there is a need on part of the government to prepare a remedial framework before implementing any policy on a particular community.

letters@tehelka.com

Mere birth shall not be linked to citizenship

She threw the sari end on her shoulders, as the knocks on the door of her dwelling intensified…accelerating by the second. Till, of course, she was there, on the muddy-filthy patch, just outside the door. Looking about hassled and hyper, as her ageing husband sat back on that filth, with just about lisping, “Papers…they want to see papers to prove that we were born here!”

“What!” she could barely quiver.

“To prove you and I belong to this land, otherwise we will be thrown out…our names are not in that list of citizens Do not know what would happen to us?”

“But don’t you know last year’s floods ruined all our belongings, boxes washed away and so…”

“Now…the whole village knows but not the sarkaar (government)! We are ruined …we would be thrown into the sea or jungles or killed.” Her husband couldn’t utter any further as by then he had collapsed.

Hundreds and thousands of Assam’s residents are slowly dying every single day, even before getting deported. After all, in the latest draft of Assam’s National Register of Citizens, names of 40 lakh people are not included. Yes, 12 per cent of Assam’s population has been left out.

The sheer shock of being off the citizens’ list would be enough to kill. Though till date no health-related research has been conducted on these 40 lakh residents of Assam, to study the rising numbers hit by heart attacks or diabetes or blood pressure levels, but this could be a very important finding. Also, it would be significant to know if the sarkaar of the day has appointed healers and health care givers for those falling ill or slowly dying because of the severity of the sarkaar – induced shockers.

Though those excluded from the NRC are given a second chance to prove their Indian citizenship but this in itself is a very tedious process. Does the establishment expect these marginalised people to be keeping papers and records of their births or of their ancestral backgrounders? Tomorrow, if the NRC were to conduct citizenship surveys in other states of the country, civil war could spread out. If lakhs and lakhs of human beings were to be unaccepted as Indian citizens, then what happens to their lives. Are we going to deport lakhs because they cannot prove that they belong to this land?

To quote Professor VK Tripathi, who until very recently was teaching Physics at IIT Delhi. He also runs the Sadbhav Mission and has been focusing on the Assam crisis. “Son of the soil is not the one born in the soil of the nation, but the one who lives in the soil, works in the soil, feeds the nation with food and comforts and shares ups and downs with the people around. Be they Hindus or Muslims, speaking Assamese, Bangla, Bodo, Hindi or any other language, all working class masses are true sons of the soil, children of India. They are born here, their forefathers lived here for millennia, they laid their sweat and blood in the soil here and contributed half of their earnings to the nation. The piece of land where they live belongs to them. They never grabbed or robbed any one’s property, but fallen prey many a times to the exploiters and oppressors. They have the fundamental right to live in the motherland with freedom and dignity, much more than those who rule, dictate and exploit.”

Professor Tripathi argues with facts and figures at his command – “In 1871 census, Muslim population in Assam was 28.7 per cent; in 1941, 25.72 per cent; in 1971, 24.56 per cent; in 1991, 28.43 per cent; in 2001, 30.92 per cent and in 2011, 34.2 per cent (in total state population of 32 million).

However, their percentage share in land and assets is far less. Only 7.9 per cent of them in cities and 5.8 per cent in rural areas are in the formal (organised) sector. For Hindus, these figures are 23.1 per cent and 12.3 per cent.

“Rest Hindu and Muslim masses are in the low income informal sector… 36 per cent people in Assam are below the poverty line (against 26 per cent All India average). In districts where Muslim population is above 45 per cent, with the exception of Dhubri, the percentage of people below poverty line is higher (Dhubri 28.6 per cent, Goalpara 60.3 per cent, Barpeta 50.19 per cent, Kaila Kandi 43.79 per cent, Karimganj 48.23 per cent, Nagaon 38.96 per cent, Marigaon 80.14 per cent).

He further said,“The per capita income in Assam is only 60 per cent of the national average while growth rate is half of the national average.

The annual growth rate of wages in Assam during 1991-2000 has been negative (-0.12 per cent) while for the country it was +3.36 per cent. To this if we add the fear of insecurity (heightened by massive riots like Nellie massacre of 1983 that killed 2800 people), Assam can’t be a lucrative destination for working classes from elsewhere. In fact, in last two decades sizeable people from Assam have migrated to Kerala as many locals from Kerala moved to Middle East…”

Tripathi added that Partition of India can’t be made an excuse to attack the citizenship of working classes. The partition was merely the division of ruling authority — few states came to be ruled by the Muslim League and remaining by the Congress.

People could live where ever they wanted. There was no consideration for the interests and plight of the working classes. Justice demands that any one among the working classes born in India be treated as Indian citizen.

“In fact, the 2003 amendment (Section 3) to Citizenship Act 1955 says any one born i) between 1950 and 1987, irrespective of the citizenship of the parents, is Indian by birth, ii) between 1987 and 2003, is Indian if one parent is Indian citizen, iii) after 2003 would be Indian if both the parents are Indian citizen.

The NRC must look afresh the drop out cases in view of this amendment. The government must strive to make India-Pakistan-Bangladesh borders porus for the working classes as these classes were never given their rightful due in British India or new born nations…Indians going abroad get the citizenship of that nation after working for few years. Many countries give full citizenship to the children of illegal migrants born there. Here we are dealing with people whose forefathers, for millennia, lived here and served this land. They deserve at least the rights we demand for NRIs in other nations, concluded Tripathi.

 letters@tehelka.com

Youngsters need confidence to overcome heinous crimes

Edited Excerpts from an interview

Any backgrounder or special reason for writing the short stories of The Other – Stories With A Difference?

I work a lot with young people — both in difficult circumstances as well as the very privileged. Much of my work is based on them, their voices, their concerns, their confusions. I am a very proficient eavesdropper and pick up on their conversations…What I write is not new information for my reader. Rather, a way to process that information, to empathise with the other in that situation and to re-assure them that they are not alone in their crises. And most of all, to empower them to be instruments of change. I think stories are a powerful tool for all of the above.

You write for the young adult. Have your own children been one of the motivating factors or do you feel today’s youngsters do need that focus?

My own children have been an important guide to me. And that continued after they grew up through my own interactions with a wide variety of young people. I have worked with over three lakh young people over the course of my career. Young adults today have very easy access to any kind of information… converting that raw information and processing it into knowledge is where a good story can prove most useful.

There is nothing called pure fiction. How many of these stories are based on real life happenings and incidents?

What I write is best described as ‘reality fiction’. Which is why the question I am most often asked is, “are these stories true?” The honest answer is yes, the situation is a common one. The broad strokes are reality, the characters and the exact detail is fiction. That is why this genre is so very powerful. In The Other, the stories Inner Circle, Outer Circle and Going off the Grid are both based on the myriad instances where the apathy of bystanders allows crime to happen. When CCTV clips show the crime being committed, there are people who watched it happen and didn’t lift a finger. These stories came out of an article on a study that had found India to be one of the most apathetic countries of the world. The story Best Friends Forever explores a real test of friendship in a very difficult circumstance. One, that must be occurring regularly. Grief (Is a Beast) is based on my own struggles with grief and loss. Because Superman had better Things to Do is based on my observations of young people’s attitudes towards those who have come through the EWS scheme as well as the ways in which we treat anyone who we consider The Other My stories and books on Kashmir are very much informed by my interactions with young people there, as well as the attitudes of young people in urban centres towards people in conflict zones.

Have you come across instances when children or say young adults have been betrayed by their own families?

I fear that a great damage is being done in the way children are imbibing hate. Parents are often careless in the way they ‘otherize’ a whole group of people. That is why I had a 12-year-old say, “I hate Muslims’. I am sure this wasn’t really his own opinion, but rather one that has been overheard around the family dining table. Heard hatred is a dangerous thing which we must all try and counter in our own ways.

In your interactions with the young adults, what comes across as the most hitting aspect?

Apathy and arrogance on one hand and a sense of hopelessness on the other hand. Both are very painful to see in young people who should have a fire in their belly.

Do you feel we Indians don’t really connect with the young in the family? And with that, bypass their emotional wants and aspirations.

I don’t think I am in a position to pass judgement as a whole. But certainly, I think families need to re-define what they consider as ‘protection’ of their children. Of course, all parents want their children to be safe. We would all love for our children to live in a perfect world where everyone is safe and happy. But as long as we have an imperfect world, we need to equip and empower our children. There is no point in cotton-wooling them.

Tell us an incident that touched you the deepest.

One of my best friends, an English girl, had come on her annual visit to India. We were both in college at the time. She returned from a holiday in Rajasthan and I noticed she was very subdued and there were bruises over her arms, over her back and stomach. She told me that she had been assaulted by a group of men. She begged me not to talk to my parents who were friends with her parents in England. It was only years later, when the post December 16 Nirbhaya marches were going on that I started to cry, realizing that my friend had been raped. Even in college, I hadn’t had a word for what had happened to her and I had kept quiet. I wrote an article on the need for stories for young adults around the issue of rape and was overwhelmed with responses from strangers and good friends who said that they too had been raped when young and never had the tools to talk to anyone about it or that they were told to keep it quiet. Through my tears, I promised that I would hush no more. I would give young people the words they needed, the confidence they needed to overcome even such a heinous crime. I wanted to show them that there is a light at the end of the tunnel, no matter how dark that tunnel may seem.

What’s your view on children and young adults living in our rural belts and with that deprived of the basics?

In Kupwara, Northern Kashmir, I was conducting a creative writing and storytelling workshop in a school. I told a story, the children greatly enjoyed it. But they were uncomfortable when I finished. When I probed them, one child asked if the story was true. Now this was a story about a bear who climbs onto the moon, so obviously, the answer was ‘no’. They gasped and almost physically recoiled as though I had just done a very bad thing.

I probed further and was surprised with their response, “If it’s not the truth, then it’s a lie and a lie is a very bad thing.” I told them, no, this was just a story. But they didn’t know what a story was. I had never interacted with children who didn’t know what a story was. Their only stories, songs and poetry were either in praise of Allah or the beauty of Kashmir. Other than that, their imaginations were frozen.

I know there are worse deprivations in life, but to me, the deprivation of imagination and story from a child was so unbearable. When I finally managed to get them to write stories of their own, the difference in the kids was palpable. The smiles were wider, the laughter louder. A teacher, with tears in her eyes, said to me that she’d never seen them so happy, so openly happy. That’s the power of stories.

letters@tehelka.com

FRDI Bill Withdrawn From Parliament Under Pressure

After much hue and cry by the opposition over “bail-in” clause in the legislation, the government, on August 7, finally decided to withdraw the controversial Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance Bill (FRDI), 2017, from the Parliament. Depositors were worried that a proposed law would force them to lose their lifetime savings if their banks turn insolvent or bankrupt.

The government had an obligation to allay such fears but it acted only when the frenzy against the legislation reached the streets. It is the moral duty of any government at the centre to ensure that rightful savings of citizens are fully protected in case a bank goes down under bankruptcy. Secured creditors, who lend money against collaterals, easily get their money back in case of a default or when an entity goes bankrupt.  But, millions of savings accounts holders who deposited their lifetime savings in banks without any collateral were naturally aggrieved and concerned about their lifetime savings. They do so because they have trust in the robustness of Indian banks under the watchful eyes of the government. As such when the proposed legislation came into public domain, there was all-round criticism. The political class too raised its guns against the government.

The government has done well to nip the evil in the bud now and has withdrawn the proposed legislation — the Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance (FRDI) Bill — to fully protect the public’s deposits in banks and financial institutions. The dangerous point of the proposed legislation was the “bail-in” clause, whereby, depositors’ money could be used to salvage a bank going bust.  At present, taxpayers do such “bailouts”. Let’s maintain the status quo if the government believes that there is no fundamental difference between the present and the proposed law. Public trust is the very basis of any government that comes to power and it has done well to retreat that now. That banks, by the very nature of their business, are essentially dependent on the funds deposited by the depositors but the later can’t be used to function like guinea pigs to offset the losses suffered by some unscrupulous bankers. So when a depositor fears that his or her hard-earned funds parked in a bank may be at risk from a law that allows these financial institutions to offset the loses,  the depositors would feel panicked. And this is what exactly happened in this case.

Union Minister Piyush Goyal has apprised the joint parliamentary committee that a “resolution of these issues would require a comprehensive examination and reconsideration”, and that therefore the government deemed it “appropriate” that the Bill be withdrawn. Idea is to ensure that such legislation is not attempted in the future by the government. We need a robust banking system and any measure that strengthens confidence in institutions like the Reserve Bank of India and public and private sector banks should be a matter to gloat over and laud the government.

letters@tehelka.com

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