What inspires you to write?
I wrote a few poems and short stories in my teens but it was nothing substantial. However, I always knew that I wanted to write, the reason being very philosophical — the desire to be remembered after one’s death. Initially, I planned to write only one book but the success of If God was a Banker changed made me realise that there are people willing to publish and read my books. The resultant greed led to the following six books.
Writing a banking thriller is a less treaded path in the literary scene. What made you choose it?
It was somewhat of a personality trait that led me to write about banking. I am fundamentally a lazy person who did not want to spend too much time in research and wasn’t familiar with nuances of writing a book. Given my two decades of experience in banking, I decided to start with what I was familiar with. My wife and friends are all the bankers and we know the circle inside out.
What changes have you undergone as a writer?
I have improved and become more experimental, trying to incorporate different styles of writing. Reading a thriller is all about experience. A lot of authors make the mistake of believing that the plot is of paramount importance. But presentation is another key element. God is a Gamer has 99 chapters, each being not more than 3-4 pages. It makes the reader roll pages faster than he usually would.
How easy or difficult is it to infuse ethics and morality while writing about the financial sector?
Most of the incidents in my books are real life instances. When you write a realistic story, it is very difficult to draw the line between good or bad because in real life, Indians are not high on personal or professional integrity. Look at the corporates for instance; people don’t work their way up in an organisation any more. They prefer short-cuts. Corruption exists across levels not only in the public but the private sectors as well. So when I sit down to write, there is an intense conflict within myself — should I give a moral message through the book or paint the picture as it is. But I have chosen to depict the reality rather than go down the path of a moral crusader.
AISHWARYA GUPTA
‘I depict reality rather than going down the path of a moral crusader’
Return of the Swadeshis
Return of the Swadeshis
For Narendra Modi, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya’s Integral Humanism was supposed to be the ideal template for governance. But is the prime minister really sticking to the copybook, asks Alam Srinivas
In several of his speeches, Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the name of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, whose Integral Humanism philosophy was adopted by the Sangh Parivar, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Modi claimed that he grew up with the ideals of Panditji — as Upadhyaya was popularly known — and the latter’s ideas inspired him to begin his political journey that culminated in his becoming the country’s head. Modi told BJP politicians that one of his aims was to aggressively promote Integral Humanism.
This pleased the RSS as it felt that unlike the two past doyens of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) — former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and former home minister Lal Krishna Advani — Modi would impose its principles on the country to achieve its grand objective to create a ‘New Man’ and a ‘New Society’. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, who was a well-known RSS head, said that the ultimate aim of the institution was to create a “perfectly organised state of society” in which the ‘New Man’ became an integral part of the “corporate personality of the society”.
Unfortunately, what the Sangh Parivar and other right-wing supporters of the BJP have failed to comprehend is the manner in which the prime minister has twisted, manipulated and tweaked Upadhyaya’s thoughts. Modi has turned many of his so-called mentor’s principles upside down to gain political mileage and mass sympathy. His adoption of Panditji’s ideals and ideas is merely a strategy to first grab power and then retain it for a long time.
To cite an example, the prime minister has redefined, refined and changed the concept of economic nationalism, which was a critical ingredient in Upadhyaya’s philosophy. The twin foundations of Integral Humanism’s economic thought were swadeshi and decentralisation of political and economic power. Both were distorted by Modi, and used as means to achieve political ends. However, the RSS has failed to grasp Modi’s master manipulation moves.
According to Upadhyaya, swadeshi was based on its opposition against everything that was foreign. Like Mahatma Gandhi’s boycott of foreign goods, it was aimed to reject foreign thinking, management, capital, means of production and technology. In essence, it was against foreign companies, especially MNCs, whose only objective was to exploit poor countries. Panditji felt that the proud use of “foreign articles” was “not the road to progress and development”.
In its first policy statement, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the political arm of the Sangh that later became the BJP, stated that there was a need to revive swadeshi to avoid “reckless imitation, unnecessary dependence on foreign capital and to create in us the tendency for restraint and avoidance of conspicuous consumption”. In the 1990s, when India embarked on the economic reforms path under Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, the Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), the economic arm of the RSS, talked about ‘Made in India’. All goods had to be manufactured in India by Indian firms. It was an extreme form of economic nationalism.
As prime minister, Vajpayee diluted this concept, and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) wooed foreign investment in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Advani, who was then the poster boy of the RSS, did not oppose these policies. However, the staunch believers within the Sangh Parivar, and the SJM, continued to privately attack Vajpayee. They stuck to the old definition of swadeshi, which was an important part of Integral Humanism.
With a single stroke of the pen, a change in one alphabet, Modi has turned ‘Made in India’ on its head. It has become ‘Make in India’. There is no longer a taboo on foreign capital, technology and management expertise. They are invited with open arms and given a red-carpet welcome to invest in even the most sensitive sectors such as defence. Former defence minister Arun Jaitley announced that 49 percent foreign direct investment (FDI) would be allowed in defence. As long as the products were made in India, it did not matter whether they were made by Indian or foreign companies. Ironically, the prime minister launched the scheme on the birth anniversary of Upadhyaya.
Modi’s marketing pitch for ‘Make in India’ was based on two emotive issues — national pride and import substitution. He argued that India should emerge as the global manufacturing hub, just like China and Japan did in the past. He asked why India should buy products, especially defence equipment, from abroad, and not make them in the country. Both the points were the hallmark of India’s socialist past under the regimes of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi.
One can argue that if India’s economy needs to grow faster, and if the infrastructure sector has to be given a boost, she has to attract foreign investments. In a globalised world, no nation can turn inwards and become an economic introvert. But the fact remains that Modi’s ‘Make in India’ is drastically different from Upadhyaya’s economic nationalism or the RSS’ ‘Made in India’. Thus, the prime minister cannot claim that he adheres to the principles of Integral Humanism.
In its fundamental form, Panditji’s concept of decentralisation of power was a rejection of capitalism, communism, socialism and the welfare state. In all these ideologies, economic power was concentrated in a few hands. In capitalism, it was with a clutch of business groups; in communism, with the State; in socialism and welfare state, it resulted in various forms of crony capitalism and oligopolies. In practical form, or in governance parlance, he wanted all the stakeholders, including the masses, to share executive powers.
While explaining the economics of Integral Humanism, Upadhyaya said that “democracy and capitalism join hands to give a free rein to exploitation. Socialism replaced capitalism and brought with it an end to democracy and individual freedom”. He added that in the case of communism, since the system had to be insured against further exploitation by the bourgeoisie — the rich minority — it invariably resulted in the “dictatorship of the proletariat (the majority workers)”.
Modi interpreted his mentor’s ideas as ‘minimum government, maximum governance’. According to him, Upadhyaya’s aim was to reduce the size of the government, which should retain the political and economic powers. In Gujarat, as the chief minister, he had possibly the smallest Cabinet among all states, and his Central Cabinet was initially small. However, he faltered on this count too. After his first Central Cabinet expansion, when he inducted 21 new ministers, he had 66 ministers, or just five less than the previous government headed by Manmohan Singh. The sarcastic headline of one of the business newspapers was: ‘Now, A Maximum Government’.
Contrary to Panditji’s principles, in both Gujarat and at the Centre, Modi assiduously followed a semi-new hybrid economic ideology, which can be dubbed as ‘Inclusive Capitalism’. In governance theory, it is a combination of democracy and dictatorship. In the light of its economic focus, it is a mix of capitalism and socialism. He tried to borrow ingredients from all these systems in a bid to manage a government that was both effective and efficient.
Modi’s governance idea is to get elected and form the government in a democratic fashion by wooing the electorate. But his way to run the regime is quite dictatorial. The decision-making powers are concentrated in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). It has become his mouthpiece, and now dictates how ministers and bureaucrats should work. In a meeting with government secretaries, he urged them to talk directly to him, and bypass their ministers. It was a travesty of Panditji’s ideal to reduce such concentration of powers.
Modi pulled no punches to attract private capital. He gave huge tax sops to industrialists and made their entry easier. He wowed the business community, which finds it comfortable to work with his government. This is capitalism in its rawest form. However, he combined the socialist and welfare aspects through the unique PPPP (People Public Private Partnership) model, which hopes to combine the strengths of all the stakeholders, including the poor masses. But it has resulted in concentration of power in the hands of few, something that Upadhyaya detested.
Integral Humanism is a positive philosophy. Its objective is to transform the individuals and the society to make it better. In their essay, RSS: Ideology, Organisation and Training, Walter K Anderson and Shridhar D Damle maintained that “the primary goal of the RSS discipline is preparing the mind so that individuals will act in a detached manner for the well-being of this divine object (the Hindu nation).” They added that in the Sangh’s belief system, “the transformation of man is of supreme importance” and it is “the necessary pre-requisite for revitalising society”.
Modi’s adaptation of Integral Humanism, despite his claim that he follows it in its pure form, is convoluted. His focus is simultaneously on the appropriation of the so-called best ideals that exist in the current society, decimation of the society as it exists, and the creation of the new one in a totally different form compared to what Upadhyaya envisaged. This new society will be the brainchild of Modi, who will reshape and reconfigure Integral Humanism.
Let us consider some of his schemes and policies to understand the appropriation bit. The Swachch Bharat campaign, which was launched from a village where Mahatma Gandhi stayed, is an attempt to take over what the Father of Nation had urged his followers to do. His indigenisation programme is an appropriation of the Nehruvian ideals to an extent. The constant talk about inclusive development is a slogan that was started by the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance governments.
Through this strategy, he wants to destroy the country’s love for the other Nehruvian ideals such as socialism, secularism and the role of the public sector. Until now, Nehru was seen as the great moderniser, who captured the imagination of the masses. With a changed definition of modernisation, Modi hopes to achieve the same objective over the next few years. In the end, Nehru will become a mere footnote and the intelligentsia will reject him. Both history and the intellectual classes will then recognise Modi as the real moderniser, the creator of a new society.
Real Reforms vs Modi’s Reforms
He is perceived as an economic Midas; whatever he and his government announce turns into gold. They are hailed by everyone, especially the pink newspapers, as giant and game-changing economic reforms. Every decision of the Narendra Modi regime is celebrated by industrialists, stock markets, media and its mass supporters. Conversations at home, social circuits, streets and offices invariably end up with a show of awe, respect and confidence for the country’s prime minister.
A recent article in a business daily excitedly stated: “Since taking charge, the Modi government has unveiled several policy changes such as deregulating diesel prices, linking gas prices to global benchmarks, amendments in labour policies, steps to end the ‘Inspector Raj’ and cutting red tape for business. It is expected to unveil further reform measures in the months ahead. Stock markets have boomed…” Global institutions have endorsed the government’s policies and hiked their estimates of India’s economic growth over the next two years.
However, a study of the various decisions indicates that they are riddled with contradictions. They are, in fact, anti-reforms in letter and spirit. Some of them indicate confusion in the minds of the policymakers, who are unsure which path to take. In addition, there are transparency issues with a few decisions; they may lead to more corruption in the near future. There are huge schisms between Modi’s reforms and the real reforms that are needed in the country.
Nothing epitomises this state of chaos and disarray than the measures announced for the energy sector and those that are related to natural gas, diesel, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and coal. They show that the government policies were only knee-jerk reactions to changes in the external environment. It was forced to take them. The announcement to hold e-auctions for coal blocks was driven by the cancellation of their allocations by the Supreme Court. If natural gas prices had not been raised, it would have resulted in legal headaches for the ruling regime.
Half-baked reforms: In September, after the Supreme Court judgment on coal blocks allocation, which cancelled more than 200 blocks allocated since 1993, the government was caught in a bind. Some of these blocks were operational and supplied fuel to existing and operational power plants. The apex court said that 42 mines could continue to function for the next six months to give “breathing space (to the government) to manage the emerging situation”. Therefore, the Ministry of Mines had to act fast, or the power plants concerned would shut down by March 2015.
What was critical was that Indian banks had an exposure of 2.8 lakh crore to the mines, and the allied power plants that were to use the fuel. Of this amount, almost 80 percent of the exposure was with the public sector, or State-owned, banks. If these companies defaulted on the loans, it would have led to huge increase in bad loans on banks such as State Bank of India, Punjab National Bank and Union Bank of India. It could have ruined the banking sector. Therefore, the government had to act fast to ensure that the malaise did not spread to the power and banking sectors.
The only option before it was to announce e-auctions of the mines. This was because in the earlier 2G telecom case, when more than 100 licences were similarly cancelled, the apex court said that natural resources, such as spectrum, should be auctioned to the highest bidders. Hence, one cannot consider this decision as a great reforms move; instead there was nothing else that the government could do about it. It was the only way forward to prevent a greater mess.
It may be apt to mention that e-auction, or any form of auction, may not be the most transparent route to sell or lease natural resources. Although it is better than doing it through the government’s discretionary process, auction can also be manipulated. One, a serious party can get the resources at lower prices, if it participates through a front company. This happened with broadband spectrum e-auction, when Reliance Industries used this route. The official entry of Reliance would have forced prices to shoot up because of fears among telecom competitors, who would have wished to prevent India’s largest private sector company from grabbing spectrum.
Two, the fear in coal blocks’ e-auction is that there may be cartelisation between some of the larger players. Many of the earlier coal blocks were jointly owned by several private players; they may join hands during the auction in a bid to lower prices. There is no way the government can stop or curb this possibility. Three, the fear that e-auction prices could be higher may force some of the interested parties to stay out of it. This is what happened when 2G spectrum was auctioned after the Supreme Court order that cancelled telecom licences.
In addition, the coal blocks’ decision was a case of half-baked reforms. The reason: the government only expressed its intent to do away with the State-owned Coal India’s near monopoly in the sector. At present, coal blocks are given to private players only for captive use, i.e., the coal mined has to be used for a power plant set up by the same owner(s). In its ordinance, the Modi regime said it would open the coal sector for private players later. Simultaneously, Minister of Mines Narendra Singh Tomar said that the interests of Coal India, and its unions, would be protected.
Contradictory reforms: The government deregulated diesel prices, and it was rightly appreciated as reforms. The same government fixed natural gas prices, as per a re-jigged formula, and that was wrongly claimed to be reforms. How can two contradictory measures — one where prices are freed and another where prices are fixed — be dubbed as liberalisation moves? Don’t true reforms imply that the government gets out of fixing prices of commodities?
Modi’s supporters argued that the government hiked natural gas prices, from $4.2 to $5.61 per unit, and linked the price to a formula, which included a basket of prices prevalent in different international markets. This was reforms because the prices would change every three months, as per the fixed formula. The fact that prices were hiked was also a step in the right direction. But such arguments are riddled with obvious contradictions.
The government had to hike prices since the decision was pending for a long time. The previous regime decided to double them, from $4.2 to $8.4, but was publicly criticised. It was alleged, largely by Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party, that the decision benefited Reliance Industries, owned by Mukesh Ambani, and was a clear case of crony capitalism. Later, the Election Commission advised the Manmohan Singh government to defer it because of the announcement of the General Election. So, the Modi regime was saddled with two immediate considerations: it had to hike prices, but also save itself against the same charges of corruption.
The choice that Modi made was half-step forward, half-step backward. It increased the prices, but by a smaller margin than what was decided by the previous regime. What is insidious is the manner in which this was done. The government merely changed the formula; from the basket of prices, it removed the ones that were higher to arrive at a lower overall price. This has set a bad precedent. In future, the same regime, or any other one, can simply re-jig the basket of prices to either benefit oil exploration firms or itself based on the need of the hour.
Real reforms in natural gas would have been to free the prices, and let the market decide them. However, the government did not do it because it was scared that the prices would have soared to $10, or even higher. It would have been accused of favouring Reliance more than the previous regime. The charges of corruption and crony capitalism would have stuck on Modi, who claimed that he will neither take bribes, nor allow others to do so.
Look at the piquant situation in the energy sector. Coal blocks, like spectrum, will be auctioned; but Coal India would sell its product at lower prices. Petrol and diesel prices are deregulated. Natural gas prices are fixed by the government as per a formula that it can change anytime it wants to. LPG is highly subsidised despite this government’s claim that it wishes to either do away with or drastically reduce subsidies in sectors such as food, fuel and fertilisers.
Zero reforms: A few days ago, an English daily carried a report that the government had decided to cap the subsidy on LPG cylinders, which is generally sold at lower-than-market prices. Henceforth, a subsidy of Rs 568 per cylinder would be fixed and borne equally by the government and the oil marketing companies, who sold LPG. The market price of the cylinder would be fixed until March 2015, after which it would change as per the international prices.
The combined moves were touted as giant steps forward from the previous regime’s alternative to allow 12 subsidised cylinders annually to households, after which they had to pay the market rates. One, the subsidy was capped. Two, the deliverable price of the cylinder would, like petrol and diesel, change regularly depending on the international market conditions. Three, the oil marketing firms knew the exact financial burden that they had to bear. Hence, they could prepare business plans, both short term and long term, which incorporated LPG subsidy.
However, a detailed analysis showed that this was no reforms at all. The capped subsidy, Rs 568 per cylinder, was higher than the existing Rs 416.35 by more than 36 percent. Thus, the overall subsidy burden in the near future would be much higher than the previous years. This subsidy may be in perpetuity as the government did not specify how this would be reduced in the near future. By capping the number of subsidised cylinders per household, the previous regime had shown the way forward; it could have removed subsidy over time by reducing this number.
Clearly, there is a yawning gap between real reforms that are needed in this country, and the so-called reforms initiatives of the Modi government. There is a huge difference between reality and perception. Modi’s reforms may actually prove to be regressive policies.
Exclusive, But Democratised Crony Capitalism
A small-time entrepreneur, who manufactures medical equipment, told this anecdote of how the Narendra Modi government is pro-business. His application to make a new product was pending with the department concerned for more than a year; he applied during the previous Manmohan Singh regime. The file did not move. Then someone advised him to write a letter to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) after Modi came to power. Within a week, he was asked to meet the head of the department, who said that his application would be cleared in two days.
“From now on, if you have any problem, come and meet me. There is no need to write to the PMO. I had to face a lot of flak because of your letter. You could have met me before,” said the senior government official. The businessman claimed that he got the clearance within 48 hours, as promised. “This is the difference between the previous regimes and this one. Modi and his men are serious in intent, and committed to governance,” said the entrepreneur.
This is the image that most industrialists, both Indian and foreign, and people have of Modi. Business friendly, business savvy, committed to reforms, focussed on growth and development, and a leader who will go out of his way to attract mega investments. He did it successfully in Gujarat, which witnessed high economic growth rates during his tenure as chief minister, and he will achieve the same results as the prime minister. Modi’s model of governance works.
At the last Vibrant Gujarat Summit (2013), Modi, who was then the chief minister, said: “Once upon a time, Gujarat was the gateway to the globe from India. Now it is becoming the global gateway to India.” At the same summit, Sanjay Puri, CEO, Alliance for US India Business, amplified this point: “Chief Minister Modi is the reason why Gujarat has become the global gateway for investment across India.” Modi’s ‘Make in India’ project, which was announced after he became the prime minister, is perceived to help achieve the same success in India.
However, these achievements in Gujarat vis-à-vis the Indian and global business community have several holes. The first is that there is a huge difference between investment intentions announced at the several investment summits, and the actual money that was invested in various projects. A study published on counterview.org suggested that between 2001 and 2012 — Modi became the chief minister in late 2001, and continued until this May — Gujarat announced more than 6,100 projects, of which just over 2,000 were commissioned. That is a strike rate of nearly 33 percent.
In terms of investments, the money involved in the 6,100 projects was Rs 936,252 crore. Of this, the amount that was spent on the 2,000 completed projects was Rs 109,708 crore. That is a gap of more than 88 percent, i.e., only 12 percent of the intended amount was spent. Compare this to the 1989-2000 period, when the projects’ strike rate was almost 50 percent, and the gap between the amount that was committed and spent was almost 40 percent. Although investment intentions zoomed by almost four times during Modi’s tenure, the money invested in completed projects was up a mere 24 percent.
Second, contrary to popular beliefs, these investments in mega projects did not generate enough jobs. During the period under review, i.e., Modi’s stint as chief minister between 2001 and 2012, the number of jobs created in completed projects was less than 3.5 lakh. That translated into less than 30,000 jobs a year. In contrast, the number of jobs in the completed projects during the previous 1989-2000 period was more than 6 lakh, or more than 50,000 per year.
The above statistics related to employment generation puncture holes into an accepted fallacy — which was propagated by Modi too — that more investments implied more jobs. This is not true in the case of Gujarat; this won’t be true for the country. The reason: mega projects that entail huge investments produce fewer jobs. A 10,000 mw power plant may directly employ just 100 people; a port that handles lakhs of tonnes of cargo possibly 60 people. Even in developed nations such as the US, the majority of the jobs are created by the small and medium enterprises.
Third, Modi’s relative success to woo investments in Gujarat, and now across the country, is based on his theory of exclusive, but democratised, crony capitalism. The underlying axiom is that business houses should be given huge tax sops that could run into thousands of crores of rupees. Various studies indicate that Gujarat leads in the quantum of such incentives, or subsidies, given to businesses, compared to other states. For example, when Modi wooed the Tata Group to make its Nano cars in the state, he handed it sops worth a whopping Rs 38,000 crore.
One study found that the majority of the tax subsidies, given to the investors, was grabbed by large business houses. Thus, the main beneficiaries of this largesse are the already-rich companies. The small and medium enterprises, which generated most jobs, and which needed these incentives more than their large compatriots, were usually left in the lurch. This logically increased the gap between the large and the small; the latter could never aspire to become bigger. Of course, a few of the smaller players could find a ‘political’ way to enter the ‘subsidy club’.
Obviously, this club of sops is quite exclusive. It is difficult to join it, but once a business group entered it, it continued to get higher incentives with each new project. In a sense, it was a form of crony capitalism, where limited number of business owners got the maximum amount of state subsidies. But to ensure transparency, and curb outward and visible corruption, Modi democratised the process in Gujarat. Every member of the ‘subsidy club’ received almost similar sops.
The concept of wooing business investors through subsidies in the form of taxes that they do not pay for several years goes contrary to Modi’s reforms vision to slash subsidies that go to the poor people. Diesel is deregulated so that the farmers pay the market prices. LPG cylinder prices are sought to be pegged to international rates. Minimum support prices for food crops are not the right way to help the farmers. However, the only way to get higher growth and better development is to give ever-higher and ever-expanding incentives to rich industrialists.
‘We are early movers in a fast evolving landscape’
How was the idea for Culture Machine conceived?
Venkat Prasad and I were both at Google/Youtube and Disney India respectively when we met. We shared a common vision on how technology and new platforms were transforming the consumption of video and narration of stories in this new age. Being in our unique positions, we had the vantage point to see things unfold first hand, as to how these changes were taking place and people’s reciprocation to them. Data on India’s growing appetite for digital entertainment and our own growth proved our convictions to be true.
Why is there a growing need for organising content on the Internet?
We aren’t organising content; we are creating it, at scale, with insights and knowledge gained through the vast troves of data on the web.
What is the objective of the content that you create?
We aim to entertain South Asians globally. Comedy is one of our verticals, amongst others that include music, news, beauty and food.
What is your mantra of ‘manufacturing virality’?
Our mantra is to provide digital video entertainment for South Asians. If some of it goes ‘viral’, it means it has succeeded in transcending the community it was originally meant for. We use our proprietary technology to identify what resonates with communities and what trends are endemic.
With respect to online entertainment organisations, how do you see India’s future?
India’s youth consumes a disproportionate amount of entertainment, especially video online. These new platforms are the Tata Sky and Dish TV of the world; they are global, massive in terms of attracting eye balls and are disrupting traditional media. We want Culture Machine to be the Star Network of the Internet, by combining great story-telling with insights and scale through some ground breaking technology.
What are the challenges that you’re facing?
No challenges really. We are early movers in a fast moving and evolving landscape. We are building the market and being built by it.
‘Most of my projects leave me deeply unsatisfied’
What is your earliest memory of cinema?
My dad got one of the first VCRs in Bombay and it was a great novelty. My parents were very strict about what we could watch on it. I was obsessed with The Jungle Book, and knew all the dialogues and songs by heart. I secretly fantasised living like Mowgli with all the animals in the forest. Another favourite was my dad’s film, Amar Akbar Anthony, which I think was great fun to watch.
Would it be correct to assume that your father, Vinod Khanna, has influenced your career choices?
Actually I didn’t grow up with my father. My parents split up very early in our childhood and my dad’s career and work was something I didn’t have much access to. So unlike a lot of my contemporaries, I didn’t grow up on or around sets. I don’t know if there was a direct impact but perhaps subliminally. I thought it might be a fun occupation and I always enjoyed films and theatre, so there was a natural drift.
Name one project that satisfied you the most and another that left you deeply unsatisfied.
My most satisfying project would be my first film Earth. First films are like your first love, they are special. It is difficult to recreate this special feeling in subsequent projects. And also because Earth had a wonderful script, a high quality production and the most amazing cast and crew. I always set other projects next to it and used Earth as a benchmark. In terms of projects that left me unsatisfied, I’d have to say that most do. I enjoy the whole process of making films but it’s got an end date to it, which feels like the end of a short intense relationship. But that is probably what keeps us looking for the next project that will stimulate us the way the previous one did.
What expectations do you have from theatre and cinema?
I have always been fascinated by both. No two days are the same if you are experimenting with these two mediums. You get to be in situations you might not encounter in real life. I love the fact that you get to create something out of nothing.
What took Fireflies so long to acquire a release?
Fireflies is an independent film in the purest sense. It was produced by its director, which is a rare occurrence. He went ahead and made the film without any distribution deal in place, which is very brave, and the film is not run of the mill. Fireflies isn’t the kind of film we see very often, so I am surprised that it took such a short span of time to be released! It takes a very progressive distribution house or studio to pick up such a project, and Panorama deserves a pat on the back for this.
In a previous interview to TEHELKA, talking about Fireflies, Monica Dogra lamented that intelligent non-commercial cinema does not have many takers in India. Do you agree?
Yes, I do agree. I sort of compare it with cuisines. North Indian/Mughlai cuisine is dominant and does well in the market but that doesn’t mean that something as esoteric like Japanese cuisine shouldn’t exist because there will be people who enjoy that as well. Big budget, commercial, song-dance Bollywood films that we all know and love are popular but small independent films, perhaps made in different languages, with different storylines and budgets, should also be there as a choice for those who have an interest in it. And as artists, we can only grow when we try different things.
Mastertakes
Lubna Sen on Art
Nilima Sheikh stands out among contemporary artists. Unlike most of her peers her works have a narrative built into them. These narratives are based on the memories of her childhood spent in Kashmir as well as the recent turbulence in the Valley. The style of incorporating Mughal and Pahari painting techniques into her canvas while building a contemporary image is what sets her work apart. Her canvases are extremely detailed and these intricacies also weave the emotions that an artist undergoes.
Sen is the co-founder of The Art Route, a Delhi-based art organisation
Ankit Chadha on Books
If I had to choose only one book to recommend, it has to be French aristocrat and author, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s The Little Prince. Its simple yet profound narration makes it easier for everyone to relate. The personal accounts here are wrapped in an element of fantasy, which allows the reader to not just think but also invokes a sense of wonder.
Chadha is the author of My Gandhi Story
Deepmala Mohan on Music
I was born and brought up in Lucknow, so Begum Akhtar influenced me a lot. I was fortunate enough to witness her charm and the rapport she built through her singing. I’ve tried to imbibe her intimate style of singing and the way she reached out to each one in the audience. Her ghazals like Woh jo hum mein tum mein qarar tha remain unmatched till date.
Mohan is a Delhi-based folk and sufi-folk singer
Vivek Khatkar on Film
I am all praises for Polish filmmaker Krzysztof Kieslowski’s mini series The Decalogue, based on the Ten Commandments. The fifth and sixth of the series were turned into longer feature films. I like the way he treats the subject and what he makes out of it — powerful visuals. Kieslowski makes you think and question, but without judgement. His creation of sounds in particular is wonderful — a man in the car falls dead on the wheel causing a continuous honking, making it sound like a train passing by.
Khatkar produced the award-winning movie Lahore
Dhruv Oberoi on food
Swati Snacks proved to be a fullfilling discovery in Ahmedabad. The eatery has a simple ambience and a waiting area with water sprinklers. You can find home style regional cuisines with a mix of Gujarati, Maharashtrian and Rajasthani dishes. Among my favourites are panki (rice pancakes in a banana leaf ), dhansak, dal dhokla and baked khichdi. Gattey ki sabzi with masala roti and dal-baati are also worth recommending. Maharashtrian staples like thalipeeth, pithla bhakri and sabudana khichdi are also popular here — almost everything to pamper vegetarians to the hilt.
Chand is a Delhi-based food, travel and lifestyle writer
The Stack
Being Mortal: Medicine and What Matters in the End
By Atul Gawande
World-renowned surgeon and best-selling author of The Checklist Manifesto, Atul Gawande, is back after four years with another wave-making masterpiece, Being Mortal: Medicine and What Matters in the End. Expanding the conscience of the medical world, Gawande argues how acceptance of mortality must form the locus of how the terminally ill should be treated, and he does so by comparing attitudes towards ageing and death in India and the West.
Hamish Hamilton/Penguin; 599, Pages 282
When Google Met Wikileaks
By Julian Assange
In his latest book, Juian Assange produces a transcript of a secret meeting with Eric Schmidt, the chairman of Google, in June 2011, while the former was still under house arrest in Norfolk, UK. The two giants locked horns, debating everything from the Arab Spring to Bitcoin. Assange explores the implications of Google’s vast reach and its relations with the US, and at the same time summarises his vision for the future and the freedom of the Internet, which he believes is based in its statelessness.
Navayana; 295, Pages 223
Calcutta Diary
By Ashok Mitra
Ashok Mitra’s Calcutta Diary (first published in 1977) is a reprint of a collection of essays that he originally wrote for his widely read column by the same name in the Economic and Political Weekly in the 1970s. Most of these essays were written during the infamous Emergency and recount this difficult phase through the eyes of eastern India’s only metropolis. This new edition includes a foreword by Partha Chatterjee and commentary by Ranajit Guha.
AuthorsU pFront; 345, Pages 300
Agitating the Frame
By Slavoj Žižek
The Slovenian philosopher’s new book contains essays on economy, ideology, sexuality and cinema. While trying to engage the reader in a practiced craft of scepticism for all cultures and institutions, Slavoj Žižek decodes questions pertaining to the said topics and further goads us to question his answers. Whether it is the assertion of Gandhi being more violent than Hitler or analysing the traces of a virtual event using Christopher Nolan’s The Dark Knight Rises, Agitating the Frame satiates them all.
Navayana, 295, Pages 204
Rahman to get a royal treat of his own music
World renowned music composer AR Rahman is going to get a royal treat of his own music. Come 24 October and the maestro will witness a multi-cultural ensemble rendering his hit musical numbers on stage. The occasion will be the conferring of a Honorary Doctorate on Rahman by the prestigious Berklee College of Music. Listed as the World’s Most Influential People in 2009 by Time Magazine, Rahman will visit the Berklee College of Music on 24 October under the Berklee India Exchange, a new initiative co-founded by two Indian/Berklee alumnus, Annette Philip and Clint Valladares as a platform for cultural conversation.
Berklee Faculty and students from the Berklee Indian Ensemble will pay tribute to the living legend, who will join them on select pieces in a concert (AR Rahman Meets Berklee: Festival of Lights) celebrating his music and life at Boston’s Symphony Hall. In honour of Rahman’s new relationship with the college, a scholarship in his name will be established to help bring students from India to Berklee. All proceeds from the October 24 concert will go toward this scholarship fund. In addition to the performance, Rahman will conduct a master class at the Berklee Performance Center.
Boston’s Berklee College of Music is world’s largest independent college of contemporary music and to date, 100 Berklee alumni have received 239 Grammy Awards. Annette Philip also founded the Berklee Indian Ensemble in 2011, one of largest and most diverse ensembles at the college, with members representing 37 countries. The ensemble performs an expansive repertoire of Indian classical, semi-classical, folk, Sufi, and contemporary Indo-jazz music.
On 15 October, the Berklee Indian Ensemble released a cover of Rahman’s Jiya Jale from Dil Se, as a tribute for his immense contribution to redefining contemporary Indian film music during his notable career spanning two decades. The video has already gone viral and can arguably be one of Rahman’s best covers ever done.
According to the college’s website, at the concert and degree conferral, a 60-piece Berklee student and faculty ensemble will honor Rahman’s musical legacy, which not only includes distinguished soundtracks and film scores, but also compositions for the 2012 Olympic Games and collaborations with Mick Jagger, Michael Bolton, Andrew Lloyd Webber, and Will.i.am. Rahman is familiar to the international audiences for his original scores and songs in Slumdog Millionaire, 127 Hours, Elizabeth: The Golden Age, and Million Dollar Arm.
“I’m deeply moved to receive an honorary doctorate from such a distinguished school which has contributed so much to the world of music,” said Rahman. “I’m especially proud and honored the college is graciously establishing a scholarship in my name for future generations of musicians to follow their dreams.”
“A friend from India described AR Rahman to me as John Williams and Sting rolled into one – a leading film composer and a wildly popular, brilliant songwriter and performer,” said Berklee president Roger H Brown. “We welcome him to Berklee, where the college and our students look forward to paying our respects.”
‘I have a spouse-like, fun-filled relationship with food’
How do you interpret your relationship with food?
It is a spouse-like, fun-filled relation. I see it is an extension of me and honestly, now it feels like over 20 years of marriage.
How did this relation come to be?
As a child, I was always intrigued by hand-made seviyan (vermicelli) that my grandmother used to make. Growing up in Lucknow, food becomes a part of your being. Coming from a Punjabi landowning family, I was expected to pursue engineering, medical or defence studies. Inspite of clearing the nda entrance exam, I found my calling in food while training under a popular local kebab vendor of Lucknow, Munir Ustad. Ustad gave me the duty of grinding masalas and packing them in potlis which were numbered. That’s how the journey began.
Who are your culinary inspirations?
In 2000, while collaborating with a German chef, I got introduced to (late) Chef Charlie Trotter. He took food seriously and never allowed commercialisation to dilute the quality of his food. All my other inspirations lie in the streets of Lucknow, which harbour many unsung heroes like Afsar bhai and Abu Bakr (famous for Idris ki Biryani) who have been making the same recipe over and over for 45 years. I cannot match their prowess.
But today, ‘coming from the streets’ has become a celebrity jargon…
Indeed it has! People use it to evoke emotions. I don’t need any added pretense. I can never be a traditional karigar or rakabdar. I am happy to be a celebrity and play the game. If I have an opportunity, I might as well take and utilise it to give these people their due credit and much-deserved recognition in whichever form possible. They are way ahead of me.
Which are the two values you keep coming back to as a chef?
I never let myself forget that in the end it is all about food. You can be as much of a celebrity as you want to, but good food is the ultimate hero. Second, most important thing is that food is a means of transferring emotions. The food you serve reflects your mental and emotional state. It should always be a medium to share happiness.
Mastertakes
Harshvardhan Kadam on Art
Invader, the French artist, has managed to associate his name and personality to a simple icon: the little monster from the old school Nintendo game, Space Invaders. He takes the same pattern, produces it in mosaics and sticks it on walls all over the world. Simple yet exciting, you can tell who is behind the icon at once, when you see it. I like the aesthetics of a computer game, made out of grids and the intervention that Invader creates in the public space. His work in Varanasi particularly stands out.
Kadam is a Pune-based Street artist and book illustrator
Ambika Ananth on Books
As a teenager caught in the ethnic war in Bosnia in the 90s, Bojana Blagojevic uses the emancipatory power of poetry to pen a very compelling war memoir, Story of One Heart. The verses narrate the horrific realities and heartache of a girl whose hopes are shattered. Though filled with death and destruction, this book is close to me for its transcendental quality of the poet turning into the poem.
Ananth is a Bengaluru-based poet
Shenjit Basu on Music
The Raconteurs is one of the few bands who took up the challenge to produce refreshing music in this century. Formed in 2005, they are an alternative/indie rock band fronted by the versatile Jack White, who is also known as one part of the White Stripes duo. Of the two albums released till date, I would suggest Consolers of the Lonely, as it is the perfect example of their experimental techniques, be it the folky sound of Old Enough or the crazy guitar tone in Many Shades of Black.
Basu is one half of the acoustic duo, Mukul and Shenjit
Brahmanand S Siingh on Film
I am all praises for Polish filmmaker Krzysztof Kieslowski’s mini series The Decalogue, based on the Ten Commandments. The fifth and sixth of the series were turned into longer feature films. I like the way he treats the subject and what he makes out of it — powerful visuals. Kieslowski makes you think and question, but without judgement. His creation of sounds in particular is wonderful — a man in the car falls dead on the wheel causing a continuous honking, making it sound like a train passing by.
Siingh is a Mumbai-based award-winning filmmaker
Dhruv Oberoi on food
I like to hang out at Guppy by ai in Lodhi Colony, a contemporary Japanese bar and kitchen with bold and striking flavours. Most dishes, from mains to the condiments are made from scratch in the kitchen. There is clever use of origami and metal for lighting; and a charming courtyard with a tall frangipani tree reaching for the skies. My favourite dishes include the chashu ramen (homemade egg noodles in a pork and soy broth, simmered over fire for 72 hours); tiger prawn tempura udon or soba; and modern sushi made of sakura smoked salmon nigiri with oba pesto.
Oberoi is a sous chef at Olive Bar & Kitchen, Mehrauli
‘I realised I don’t have to become that cancer just because I have it’
Were you inclined towards writing since an early age?
As a child I had an inclination for words and I often admired writers. Funnily enough, sometimes when my daughters pushed their homework towards me, they’d end up scoring an A grade on the synopsis and essays that I had written for them. It gave me a confidence in my writing. During the three years between my separation and divorce, I experienced a flurry of emotions. I poured them into articles to let women know that every ending has a new beginning. This led to my first book, Turning the Page.
From personal accounts of spirituality to writing Delhi: Anything Goes, a fiction, what marked the transition?
After the first two books were published, my friends joked about the change they saw in my demeanour. I don’t think of myself as someone who is serious all the time, so I was a bit offended and began looking for something that brings out the humour in me. Writing a novel about Delhi’s elite crowd helped me strike a balance between the spiritual and the social. Versatility, I believe, is good and therefore I don’t like to be categorised in one particular genre.
Any personal instances which helped you write the book?
I could write about the Page 3 crowd because I have been a part of it. I understand their activities and psychology. It is not a judgmental account but merely a nudge, telling people that maybe awakening isn’t a bad idea. You see people running away from themselves, harbouring a deep sense of insecurity and their thoughts are occupied with the next best party. The book is merely an attempt to say that’s there’s more to life than this.
All your works have a recurrent theme of detachment. What does it mean to you?
Detachment is a journey. You become a spectator and learn from your experiences without getting emotionally involved in them. This way you enter the room of forgiveness and there’s no scope for regret. It requires you to take a step back and view things from an objective perspective. My battle with breast cancer taught me that I don’t have to become that cancer just because I have it. It helps you look at life in a light hearted manner and not wallow in self-pity.
