Despite organisational weaknesses, the BJP remains on the offensive, while Mamata positions herself as a national-level strategist able to navigate—and control—complex political terrain.
At the center of the latest controversy is the BJP’s attempt to weaponise a Hindu–Muslim flashpoint: the proposal to construct a Babri Masjid in Murshidabad’s Bharatpur, initiated by TMC MLA Humayun Kabir. Although Kabir is not aligned with the BJP, his actions have become one of the party’s most effective political instruments. As a sitting TMC MLA, he remains bound by legislative obligations even as his political posture grows increasingly provocative.
Humayun Kabir: Profile & Ambition
A former Congress leader, Kabir has long attempted to cultivate influence among Murshidabad’s Muslim voters, historically engaging closely with Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. Although he represents Bharatpur, his call for a mosque in Beldanga appears designed to revive older Hindu–Muslim divisions there.
Once useful to TMC in countering Adhir Chowdhury, Kabir now seems intent on reclaiming political space once held by Congress. His statements have earned him substantial media exposure—amplified indirectly by the BJP—but he lacks the state-wide appeal and grassroots reach required to challenge TMC’s consolidated Muslim support.
Following warnings from senior TMC leaders including Abhishek Banerjee, Mamata Banerjee concluded that Kabir’s conduct had drifted too far from the party line. She resolved not to grant him a ticket in 2026 and was prepared to remove him even before the controversy escalated. Bobby Hakim’s public pushback in Kolkata was soon followed by Mamata’s counter-mobilisation in Murshidabad.
Anticipating fallout, Kabir sought backing from Asaduddin Owaisi, hoping to anchor a new Muslim political platform. But Owaisi has remained noncommittal, and it is unclear whether he supports Kabir’s ambition to lead a sizeable Islamic formation in Bengal.
Muslim Politics: Bengali vs Urdu-Speaking Dynamics
Can BJP use Murshidabad issue as a pan Bengal electoral issue ?
I think not really! Because Didi’s strategy is to go to people and with her district wise organization. She is building a campaign that it is BJP’s strategy- conspiracy to break the Muslim vote.
Even TMC is campaigning that BJP is trying to create incidents- law and order deterioration of situation- so that after imposing BJP can go for Bengal poll. However, Muslims are more consolidated. N block Muslim can go with TMC not with Humayun.
Muslims form about 30% of Bengal’s population, overwhelmingly Bengali-speaking, with Urdu-speaking Muslims—about 2%—concentrated in Kolkata. Bengali Muslims dominate Murshidabad and rural Bengal, while Urdu-speaking groups are more cautious in political expression.
Owaisi previously attempted direct entry into Bengal but instead works through the ISF, which itself faces internal generational and strategic divisions. Kabir is attempting to exploit these cracks to launch his new platform.
Mamata, meanwhile, has moved swiftly to block him. Bobby Hakim and other senior Muslim leaders in Kolkata have ensured that Kabir receives no urban support. Purber Kalom, a Bengali Muslim newspaper led by TMC MP Ahmed Hassan, has publicly criticised Kabir. Imran, Chair of the West Bengal Minority Commission, is also aligned with Mamata. As of now, Mamata retains broad support from the state’s Muslim leadership across academia, politics, and media.
Anti-Incumbency & Murshidabad Link
West Bengal has witnessed cycles of anti-incumbency for 15 years, and the BJP is still experimenting with strategies to decode the state’s electoral psychology. Its SIR (Security–Identity–Rights) framework, effective in Bihar, has not translated smoothly to Bengal. Hindu voters in border districts—Malda, North 24 Parganas, Bongaon—are internally fragmented. Communities like Matuas and Rajbanshis do not form a coherent bloc.
Confronted with these challenges, the BJP is keeping SIR at the core while reinforcing it with religious polarisation and a push for voter list revisions.
The Two Components of SIR
1. Voter List Revision and “Bogus Votes”
– BJP alleges the presence of bogus booths and inflated rolls.
– BLOs, however, appear resistant to Election Commission directives, unintentionally hindering BJP’s efforts.
– The BJP lacks strong booth-level agents, while TMC’s grassroots network remains dominant.
– BJP claims its workers face harassment and cannot influence BLO activity.
2. Infiltration (Ghuspatiya)
– Rooted in an RSS narrative of cross-border demographic pressure.
– BJP argues that Bangladesh must absorb its own population, and Bengal cannot bear the long-term burden.
– This argument is now tied to the Murshidabad mosque issue as part of a broader Hindu protection storyline.
Governance, Welfare, and Campaign Battlefield
Governance remains BJP’s chief line of attack against Mamata. However, welfare schemes like Swasthya Sathi and Lakshmir Bhandar continue to bolster TMC’s popularity and may expand during the upcoming campaign.
BJP’s ideological opposition to welfare risks alienating beneficiaries—even as Modi emphasises welfare narratives in BJP-ruled states. Urban middle-class discontent with alleged misgovernance and “mafia raj” remains high, but BJP’s weak ground organisation prevents effective mobilisation.
To bridge this gap, the party is increasingly leaning on anti-minority polarisation—centering Kabir, the Murshidabad controversy, and the infiltration narrative—to counter TMC’s welfare advantage.
Whether the BJP integrates Kabir into its state-wide campaign will be crucial. Modi is expected to visit Bengal in December, with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat scheduled for February 2026, signalling a renewed push. The BJP’s challenge remains insufficient media reinforcement.
Large religious events like the recent “Gita Path,” allegedly involving five lakh participants, indicate intensified cultural mobilisation by BJP and RSS. TMC counters with a narrative of Bengal’s pluralistic heritage, arguing that sectarian politics is alien to Bengal’s culture and that BJP is importing divisive practices. It invokes Bengal’s intellectual lineage—from Rammohan Roy to Vivekananda—to oppose the BJP’s Hindutva agenda.
