Amid SIR-driven fears of voter roll deletion and political mobilisation, Gurugram witnessed a mass exit of Bengali migrant workers heading home for polls, often at the cost of their earnings, laying bare anxiety, loyalty, and electoral urgency. A report by Tehelka SIT
West Bengal-bound trains from various parts of India were packed as thousands of Bengali migrant workers headed home ahead of the Assembly polls held on April 23 and 29, 2026. Although the Railways introduced multiple special trains to ease the rush, many still struggled to secure tickets and instead turned to buses to reach their home state.
This surge among migrant workers to cast their votes appeared to be driven, first, by concerns over the Election Commission’s contentious Special Intensive Revision (SIR). Many feared that if they did not vote, their names could be removed from the electoral rolls, they might lose their jobs, or even be labelled as Bangladeshi nationals. Second, there was a strong desire among migrant workers to back their preferred political parties in what appears to be a closely contested election following the SIR exercise.
According to media reports, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) arranged four special trains to transport approximately 5,000 Bengali voters from Surat to Kolkata, bearing the entire cost. From Gurugram too, thousands of Bengali voters—predominantly Muslim migrant workers—boarded air-conditioned sleeper buses in the absence of train tickets to travel home and vote, many in favour of the Trinamool Congress (TMC).
Tehelka visited Gurugram for a ground report and found neighbourhoods with a significant presence of Bengali Muslim migrant workers wearing a deserted look, with many having already left for West Bengal. Bablu Sarkar, an auto driver from West Bengal who has been living in Gurugram for the past 26 years, said he had never witnessed such a rush among Bengali voters in any previous election. He estimated that an overwhelming majority of Bengali Muslim migrant workers in the city had travelled back to cast their votes.
According to him, several residential societies in Gurugram are now facing a shortage of domestic workers, as many have returned to West Bengal. As a result, residents are having to manage household chores on their own.
“Mosaraf Hussen is our sitting Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from the Trinamool Congress (TMC). He represents the Itahar Assembly constituency in Uttar Dinajpur district and has been renominated this time. A sizeable number of his voters live in Gurugram. He knows they are his core support base, so he asked them to return and vote—and they did, leaving Gurugram nearly empty,” said Bablu Sarkar, a Bengali auto driver in Gurugram, speaking to a Tehelka reporter.
“I have been living in Gurugram for the past 26 years. I have never seen such a rush among Bengali Muslim voters to cast their votes in any election as I have seen this time,” he added.
“You will not find a Bengali domestic worker in most Gurugram residential societies now. They have all gone home to vote. One of my clients had been asking me for a domestic worker for a 10–15 day duration and was willing to pay any amount, but I declined as there is no one available,” he noted.
“I work as a driver, but during the election period I have taken leave and am helping arrange double-decker air-conditioned buses to send Bengali voters from Gurugram to West Bengal to vote for the TMC,” said Rajjak Ali, also known as Raja Bhai.
He explained that he had been sending buses since April 1, with the numbers rising sharply after April 10. “At present, five to ten buses are leaving daily from Gurugram, all filled with voters,” he said.
“Earlier, I could hire a bus for Rs 1.40 lakh, which meant a fare of about Rs 1,400 per person one way. Now the cost has risen to Rs 1.90 lakh, pushing the fare to around Rs 1,800 per head. Nearly 90 per cent of the passengers are Muslims from Uttar and Dakshin Dinajpur,” he added.
“By April 19, I had sent 70 buses from IFFCO Chowk in Sector 29, Gurugram. By April 21, around 15 more were expected to leave. Each bus has a seating capacity of 84 to 88 passengers,” he said.
“My sitting TMC MLA and minister, Biplab Mitra from Harirampur, has not done much for our constituency. People are unhappy, but they still vote for him because of Mamata Didi—she fights for us,” he remarked.
“Our buses usually start around 8 pm from Gurugram, and thereafter depart at intervals of two to three hours,” he added.
“I live in Sarojini Nagar, Delhi, but I am travelling to West Bengal to cast my vote. I have a job and have taken leave—my salary will be cut—but I am still going because of the SIR. If I don’t vote this time, my name may be struck off the voter list,” said Robiul Islam, a Bengali voter based in Delhi, speaking to a Tehelka reporter.
“I will ask my gram pradhan for some financial help, as I am travelling all the way from Delhi to West Bengal to vote. There is also talk that those coming from outside the state have been promised Rs 5,000 per vote,” he claimed.
“I work as a delivery boy with Zomato. I am from West Bengal but have been living in Gurugram for the past two to three years. I am going back to vote because of the SIR. If I don’t, my name could be removed from the electoral roll,” said Rashid-ul-Haque, another voter.
“Islam and I are from the same constituency—Kushamandi in Dakshin Dinajpur. Our sitting MLA is Rekha Roy from the TMC. We are not certain, but we will ask for some financial assistance from our MLA, as we are travelling from Delhi to vote,” he added.
“We will support whoever considers the money we are spending to travel from Delhi to West Bengal for voting. We will speak to our sarpanch and then decide whom to vote for,” said another Bengali voter, who did not wish to be named, while boarding a bus to West Bengal from IFFCO Chowk in Gurugram.
“These people usually vote according to what their gram pradhan tells them,” remarked Rajkumar, who was present at IFFCO Chowk.
“This time, voting feels compulsory because of the SIR; otherwise, they may have to run from pillar to post in courts to prove their identity,” he noted.
“We have paid Rs 2.50 lakh to hire one bus. Around 80 people are travelling, which comes to about Rs 3,500 per person. I have been working in Noida for the past two years. I am going to home due to family pressure to vote this time because of the SIR; otherwise, I might lose my vote,” said Birhang, a Bengali voter, while boarding a bus from IFFCO Chowk.
Following the announcement of West Bengal Assembly polls in two phases on April 23 and 29, 2026, parts of Gurugram wore a deserted look. A large number of Bengali migrant workers—many of them Muslim voters, locally estimated at five to six lakh—have been living for years in areas such as Chakarpur, Sikanderpur and Nathupur across the city. They left for West Bengal to cast their votes, with many openly expressing support for the Trinamool Congress (TMC).
When Tehelka visited these localities, it found rows of locked homes and shuttered shops belonging to migrant workers. Bablu Sarkar, a Bengali auto driver who has been living in Gurugram for 26 years, said he stayed back only because of his child’s schooling.
He explained that Mosaraf Hussen, the sitting MLA from the TMC representing the Itahar Assembly constituency in Uttar Dinajpur district, has been renominated this time. According to Bablu, a significant number of Hussen’s voters live in Gurugram. “He knows they are his core support base, so he asked them to return and vote—and they did, leaving parts of Gurugram nearly empty,” he said.
In the following chat, the reporter asks about the local MLA and his connect with migrant voters in Gurugram. Bablu explains that the candidate has not visited recently and does not need to campaign in person. He claims the MLA relies on a loyal voter base living outside West Bengal. According to him, a simple instruction is enough to mobilise them to return and vote.
Reporter: Toh yahan par vidhayak aaya jo lad raha hai?
Bablu: Pehle aaya tha.
Reporter: Kaun hai?
Bablu: Mosaraf Hussen.
Reporter: Abhi ticket mila hai usko?
Bablu: Haan, mila hai…
Reporter: Kahan se lad rahe hain?
Bablu: Itahar Vidhan Sabha.
Reporter: Kitne din pehle aaye they woh?
Bablu: Woh do saal pehle aaye the. Abhi nahi aaye. Unka political meeting tha. Woh kyun aayega, uski zaroorat hi nahi hai.
Reporter: Vote maangne ke liye toh aata hai aadmi?
Bablu: Nahi, nahi. Unko pata hai unki fauj hai. Sirf hukum dena kaafi hai—sab panchi ki tarah udkar chala gaya.
Reporter: Toh saare Mosaraf Hussen ke hi voter hain yahan par?
Bablu: Saare Mosaraf Hussen ke. Yahan se jitne log ja rahe hain, koi bhi vote idhar-udhar nahi jayega.
[The exchange suggests a strong sense of political alignment among these migrants. It highlights a tightly knit voter network that extends beyond the constituency. It emerges that direct outreach may matter less than loyalty.]
Bablu told a Tehelka reporter that he has been living in Gurugram for the past 26 years and has never seen such a rush among Bengali Muslim voters to cast their votes in any election. He added that one would not find a Bengali woman domestic worker in Gurugram’s residential societies, as most have returned home to vote. He describes entire neighbourhoods turning empty, with even the last few shops now shut. According to him, one of his clients had asked him to arrange a domestic worker for 10–15 days and was willing to pay any amount, but Bablu said he was unable to oblige as he did not know anyone available.
Reporter- Sare chale gaye vote daalne Bengal?
Bablu- Aap samajh lijiye 99 percent chale gaye.
Reporter- Poora khali ho gaya?
Bablu- Haan bilkul, society mein aapko ek bhi Bengali worker lady nahi milega aapko.
Reporter- To khali ho gaya poora Gurugram?
Bablu- Aap pehle gaye they na jis area mein, photo bheja tha maine aapko, ek dukan bacha tha aaj, wo bhi chala gaya.
Reporter- Sab khali, sab chale gaye vote daalne?
Bablu- Haan.
Bablu- Zindgai mein maine itna aadmi nahi dekha vote dalne jaate hue, 26 saal ho gaye mujhko Gurugram mein, life mein kabhi itna aadmi nahi dekha jaate hue…
Reporter- Itna aadmi ja raha hai?
Bablu- Haan. Aaaj kitna tareekh hai, 19 April, aaj aur kal mera vote abhi bhi hai. Aap chalo mere saath abhi, kitna aadmi milega. Ticket nahi mil raha hai logon ko, bina ticket ke ja raha hai…
Reporter- Yahan society main to badi dikkat ho rahi hogi kaam karney ki, Gurugram main?
Bablu- Bahut dikkat hai. Mera customer hai permanent. Mujhko bola kahi se bhi 10-15 din ke liye maid la de, jitna paisa lage. Kuch-kuch log hai unko kaam ata nahin hai. Kiya nahin kabhi?
[This dialogue shows how voting can trigger a near-total reverse migration. It emerges that daily life in cities can be disrupted during elections in some states, especially for households relying on such workers for domestic help. It seems electoral participation still outweighs the economic cost.]
When asked whether these voters were receiving money from any quarter to travel from Gurugram to West Bengal to cast their votes, Bablu said that many believed “Didi” was already supporting them through year-round welfare schemes such as the Lakshmir Bhandar scheme, and more recently, the Bangla Yuva Sathi programme for unemployed youth.
Bablu- Pata hai log kya bol rahe hain is baar ke Didi hame 12 mahine benefits de rahi hai, Lakshmir Bhandar de raha hai na ladies ko, abhi unhone ek aur kiya hai Yuba Sathi. Wo hai bekar logon ke liye, jaise matric kar liya kisi ne, 10th pass kiya hai, usko job nahi mila, to 21 se lekar 40 saal tak usko 1500 rupaiye har mahina milega…
Bablu (continues) – Sabne form bharkar de diya, wo aana shuru ho jayega. Aise kuch policy un logon ne kiya hai ki jismein Modi ji ka koi tod hi nahi hai…
[This dialogue highlights the pull of direct welfare schemes on voters. It emerges that financial support creates a strong connect with beneficiaries. As a result, steady benefits can build lasting political loyalty, often outweighing other considerations.]
Bablu then took us to IFFCO Chowk in Gurugram’s Sector 29, where he introduced us to his Bengali friend, Rajjak Ali alias Raja Bhai. Raja said he works as a driver and has been living in Gurugram since 1997. However, during peak periods—such as the Covid years, Eid, and now the Bengal elections—when migrant workers from Bengal seek to travel home in large numbers and struggle to secure train tickets, he steps in.
Raja explained that he takes leave from his regular job during such times and arranges buses on contract for these workers. At present, he is hiring buses to ferry migrant workers to West Bengal so they can cast their votes. He added that his younger brother runs a travel outfit, Dadu Bhai Travels, under whose banner these buses are being operated.
Reporter- Yahi kaam hai aapka—travel ka?
Raja – Nahi, actually driving ka kaam hai mera, aur ek mahine ki leave li hai maine company se. Season bhi chal raha hai. Jaise lockdown mein maine 3 saal chalaya, 2020 se lekar 2023 tak maine gadiyan chalayi.
Reporter- Aap ye bus theke par lete ho?
Raja- Haan.
Reporter- Abhi kitni bus li hui hain aapne Bengal election ke liye?
Raja- Sir, har sawari ka demand alag hota hai. Jaise mere paas jitne aadmi hote hain, us hisaab se mujhe bus chahiye hoti hai. To hum Delhi mein Shahdara ya kahin aur jaakar contact karte hain, phir unko usi hisaab se bhejte hain.
Reporter- Waise aap naukri karte ho, aur ye kaam alag se karte ho?
Raja- Alag se karta hoon.
Reporter- Jaise kisi ko lockdown mein, Eid par bus de di, ya jaise Bengal election chal rahe hain, usmein de di?
Raja- Bilkul.
Reporter- Dadu Bhai Travel aapka hi hai?
Raja- Mera chhota bhai..uski hai.
[The exchange shows how transport networks quietly adapt to political demand during elections. It emerges that such arrangements run parallel to regular jobs, often informally. So, logistics, not just politics, shapes mobilisation on the ground.]
Raja then told Tehelka that he has been sending voters by bus to West Bengal since April 1. However, the frequency picked up after April 10, when he began dispatching 5–10 buses daily for the Bengal elections. By April 19, when the Tehelka reporter met him, he had sent around 70 buses on contract.
Each double-decker AC bus carries about 84–88 passengers, he added. Raja also said he is not the only one arranging such transport—buses are operating from Rajiv Chowk and Banjara Market in Gurugram as well. However, he claimed to have sent the highest number of buses so far. He further suggested visiting any village in Gurugram where Bengali migrant workers live, saying most places would be found empty as almost all of them have already left for West Bengal to vote.
Reporter- Ye Bengal election ke liye kab se bus chal rahi hai?
Raja- Chal to raha hai 1 April se magar beech mein 1 din ke baad, 2 din ke baad bhejtey they. Magar 10 tareekh se hamara 10-5- 10-5 daily bus ja rahi hai…
Reporter- Poore Delhi ke Bengali voter ko aap Bengal bhej rahe ho?
Raja- Haanji.
Bablu- Jaise mujhe bus ka zarurat hai, maine inko bataya bhaiya mujhe bus ki zaroorat hai to mujhe ye bus provide karte hain; mein inse bus le liya hoon aur apna sawari lekar chala gaya hoon.
Raja- Abhi tak 70 buses chala gaya.
Reporter- Sirf Gurugram se 1 April se abhi 19 April tak?
Raja- Haan. Kahin bhi aap jaogey, kisi bhi gaon mein, aapko khali milega, kyuki Bengal jana hi jana hai, jaise Rajiv Chowk hai, hamare hi bhai hain, wahan se jata hai, Banjara Market hai, hamara hi dost hai, wahan se bhi jata hai.
Reporter- Matlab sabse zyada aapke yahan se gayi hain—70 buses?
Raja- Haan.
Reporter- Ye kaun sa area hai?
Raja- IFFCO Chowk, Sector 29.
Reporter- Ek bus mein kitni sawari chali jaati hai?
Raja- Ek bus mein 84-88, 2 by 2 hai aur sab mein AC hai…
[In the above exchange, Raja explains how bus services for Bengal have steadily picked up since early April. What began with irregular trips has now turned into a daily operation, with multiple buses leaving each day. The chat shows the scale and organisation behind moving voters during elections.]
According to Raja, around 90% of the Bengali voters travelling from Gurugram in his buses are Muslims, mainly from Uttar and Dakshin Dinajpur in West Bengal. There are a few passengers from Malda, but none from Murshidabad, he added. The flow, he suggests, is uneven across regions
Reporter- Kaun-kaunse zile ke hain?
Raja- Ye hain Uttar Dinajpur aur Dakshin Dinajpur, ye 2 hi hain.
Reporter- Malda, Murshidabad?
Raja- Jaate hain magar bahut kam.
Reporter- Aapka north aur south ka zyada hai?
Raja- Haan.
Reporter- Malda ka nahi hai?
Raja- Hai, magar Murshidabad ke side ka nahi hai.
Reporter- Aur zyadatar Muslim hai?
Raja- 90 percent Muslim hai.
[In this interaction, Raja outlines the districts from which most passengers are travelling. It emerges that mobilisation is not uniform across districts. He also indicates that a large majority of those travelling belong to one community. The pattern, as he describes it, reflects a clear demographic tilt in the movement.]
According to Raja, sitting TMC MLA and minister Biplab Mitra from Harirampur—the constituency he belongs to—has done little for the area. Raja says other voters from his area share this frustration. Yet, he added, they continue to vote for him because of TMC boss Mamata Banerjee, who “fights for us.” The remarks reflect a gap between local leadership and the party’s top face.
Reporter- Aapke area se kaun vidhayak hai?
Raja- Ye hai, Biplab…
Reporter- TMC ke?
Raja- TMC ke sitting MLA.
Reporter-Ticket mila hai?
Raja- Haan, Raniganj, waise wo kaam nahi kar raha hai…
Reporter- Kaam nahi kar raha hai?
Raja- Hum bahut pareshan hain ussey, jo bhi hamara banda gaya hai sab pareshan hai ussey. Mamata theek hai, kyunki hamarey liye ladtey hain wo.
Reporter- Kya naam bataya vidhayak ka?
Raja- Biplab Mitra.
Reporter- South Dinajpur, Harirampur Vidhan Sabha hai aapki?
[Here, Raja expresses clear dissatisfaction with the sitting TMC MLA, even as he backs party boss Mamata Banerjee. The exchange highlights how local anger can coexist with support for top leadership. Thus, politicians’ performance at the local level does not always shape political sentiment.]
Raja now explained the cost of hiring buses to send voters to Bengal. Earlier, he was getting a bus on contract for Rs 1.40 lakh, which translated to a fare of about Rs 1,400 per passenger for a one-way trip to West Bengal. Now, he said, the cost has risen to Rs 1.90 lakh per bus, pushing the fare up to Rs 1,800 per person, one way. As the elections draw closer, he added, the rate has now touched Rs 2 lakh per bus.
Reporer- Ek aadmi ka kitna kiraya hai?
Raja- Pehle hamare pas bus milti thi 1 lakh 40 hazaar ki to ek bande ka 1400 rupaiye hota tha.
Reporter- Ye kab ki baat hai?
Raja- 5-6 din pehle.
Reporter- Accha, abhi ki bata rahe hain aap April ki?
Raja- Haan, ab uske baad gas ki samasya aa gayi. Ab wahi gadi 1 lakh 90 hazaar mein mil raha hai to kiraya bhi bada diya—Rs 1800.
Reporter- Ek sawari ka ek side ka?
Raja- Haan, ek hi side ka, bus chodh dega aapko kahin bhi jana hai jao.
Reporter- 1.90 lakh ki bus aapne theke par li hai?
Raja- Haan.
Reporter- Kitna kama rahe ho ek bus par?
Raja- Kama nahi rahe hain sir, dil se kiya hai. Aaj ki date mein 2 lakh mein bhi nahi mil raha hai.
Reporter- Ek bus?
Raja-Haan ji.
Reporter- Aap to keh rahe hain, 1.90 mein mili hai?
Raja- Jaise-jaise election nazdeek aa rahe hain, rate badta ja raha hai.
[From the above chat, it emerges that approaching polling days can push up transport rates sharply. As the bus cost rises for the operators, the per-passenger fare also goes up. Raja claims margins are tight, with prices continuing to climb. The spike, he suggests, is directly linked to election demand.]
Raja also revealed the schedule of buses leaving for West Bengal from his stand. He said departures begin around 8 pm from Gurugram, with buses leaving at intervals of 2–3 hours from IFFCO Chowk. He says around 70 buses have departed from his stand, with several more set to follow soon. He estimates the total from his point could reach 80–85, while the wider Gurugram figure may cross 100.
Reporter-Aapke stand se 70 buses ja chuki hain?
Raja- Haan.
Reporter- Matlab 74-75 maan lo?
Raja- Nahi abhi bhi 10-15 buses aur jayengi? Aap apna number de dena photo bhej dunga.
Reporter- Matlab 100 buses aap hi ke stand se ho gayi?
Raja- 80-85.
Reporter- Total Gurugram se to 100 se upper ho gayi?
Raja- Bilkul, sir.
Reporter- Ye kitne baje bus nikalti hai aapki?
Raja- Ye sir, 8 baje niklegi, 12 baje tak sab yahan se chalti rahengi; abhi counting chal rahi hai, 3 buses ka counting ho chuka hai.
[The chat underlines the steady scale of voter movement through organised transport. As Raja gives a running account of how many buses have already left and how many more are planned, it demonstrates that numbers are tracked closely and operations run in batches.]
While speaking with Raja at IFFCO Chowk, the Tehelka reporter met Robiul Islam, a Bengali voter waiting to board a bus to West Bengal to cast his vote. Islam, who works in Sarojini Nagar, Delhi, said he is travelling home after taking leave from work, which will lead to a salary cut.
He added that he plans to ask his gram pradhan for some compensation. Islam also made a startling claim—that voters travelling from outside to West Bengal to cast their votes are being promised Rs 5,000 per vote.
Islam- Bolengey (for compensating travel expenses), dekho?.
Reporter- Kisko bologey?
Islam- Pehle to hamara gaon ka jo Pradhan hai, usko.
Reporter- Kya bologey?
Islam- Yehi ke “Hum log bahar se aaye hain, kuch to milna chahiye na.”
Islam (continues)- 5000 ke liye to bola hai waise.
Reporter- Kisne bola?
Islam- Bola hai uske liye jo bahar se aa raha hai kaam chodhkar vote daalne ke liye.
Reporter- Wo to unke liye hai, bahar se jisko bhaga detey hain.
Islam- Nahi, ismein bhi bola hai.
Reporter- Vote daalne ke liye bola hai?
Rashid- Haan bola hai.
[In the above chat, the reporter speaks to migrant voters about possible compensation for travelling back to vote. The exchange, which centres on the idea of voters expecting or being promised cash for participation, raises questions about inducements linked to voting.]
In the dialogue below, Islam explains why he feels compelled to travel back to vote. He said it had become necessary for them to vote this time after the SIR process; otherwise, he feared their names might be removed from the voter list. He added that he had booked a cabin for four people on the bus at a total cost of Rs 10,000—2,500 per person. He has already booked a bus ticket, paying a higher amount by taking a full cabin with others.
Islam- Agar humne vote nahi daala 2026 mein to hamara patta saaf ho jayega, desh mein naam hi nahi rahega. Wo kahenge—“Kahan se aaye bhai, Bangladesh se?!”
Reporter- Ticket le liya aapne bus ka?
Islam- Haan.
Reporter- Kitna hai?
Islam- 10,000 ka.
Reporter- Ek aadmi ka?
Islam- Hum poora cabin le liya na, 4 aadmi hain.
Reporter- Ek aadmi ka 2500 ho gaya?
Islam- Is baar jana zaroori ho gaya.
Reporter- Kyun zaroori ho gaya?
Islam- Delete kar diya jiska vote tha, kitne logon ka naam nahi hai.
[Islam points to concerns over names being deleted from voter lists. The urgency, he suggests, is driven by both fear and uncertainty. He has already booked a bus ticket, paying a higher amount by taking a full cabin with others. It emerges that concerns over voter lists add to this pressure to return home to vote.]
Rashid ul Haque was travelling with Robiul Islam to West Bengal for the elections, as both belong to the same constituency—Kushmandi in Dakshin Dinajpur district, where Rekha Roy is the sitting TMC MLA. Rashid said he has been working as a delivery boy with Zomato in Gurugram for the past 3–4 years and spent Rs 2,500 from his own pocket to board an AC bus for the journey. He added that he feels it is necessary for him to vote this time due to the SIR process, fearing that his name could otherwise be deleted from the voter list.
Rashid- Gaon ja raha hoon.
Reporter- Kis liye?
Rashid- Vote ke liye, 23 tareekh ko vote hai…
Reporter- Itna junoon kyun hai?
Rashid- Agar vote nahi daala to baad mein aisa bhi ho sakta hai ki uska naam kaat dein, isliye hum log vote daalne ja rahe hain.
Reporter- Kitna paisa laga aapka?
Rashid- Abhi to Rs 2500 laga hai ek ticket ka…
Reporter- Aayenge kab?
Rashid- Pata nahi.
[The dialogue shows how fear of exclusion is driving voter turnout as Rashid explains the main reason is fear that his name could be removed if he does not vote. The urgency to head home to vote, he suggests, is driven more by concern than enthusiasm. The focus remains on securing his place in the voter list.]
In the segment below, Rashid told Tehelka that he is travelling at his own expense to cast his vote. He added that his salary will be cut due to the leave he has taken. He said he expects his MLA to offer some compensation, as he is travelling a long distance to vote. However, he clarified that, so far, no one has promised him any money.
Reporter- Aap ko jo nuksaan hoga salary ka, uski bharpai?
Rashid- Kaise hoga, pata nahi.
Reporter- Aapka MLA hai, ussey baat hua?
Rashid- Abhi to kisi se baat nahi hua.
Reporter- Lekin ho sakti hai?
Rashid- Abhi to nahi hua filhaal.
Reporter- To bolenge jakar vidhayak ko?
Rashid- Boleney jakar; ‘hum log paisa lagakar aaya vote daalne ko.’
[Here, Rashid speaks about the financial loss he will face by travelling to vote. The dialogue shows how voting can come with real financial strain for migrant workers. Some however expect compensation after spending their own money.]
At IFFCO Chowk, another AC sleeper bus—unrelated to Dadu Bhai Travels—was leaving for West Bengal with voters from the Alipurduar constituency. A voter, who did not wish to be named, told us he would vote for whoever paid him enough to cover his travel expenses from Gurugram to West Bengal. He added that, upon reaching, he would speak to his village sarpanch about whom to support.
Reporter- Wo to decide kar liya hoga kisko vote dena hai.?
Voter- Jo hamare kiraye ke liye sochengey, usi ko denge.
Reporter- Abhi nahi bataya kisi ne?
Voter- Abhi to apni jeb se ja rahe hain na.
Reporter- Poochenge wahan jakar?
Voter- Apne sarpanch se poochengey; kaun hai hamare yahan par.
Reporter- Accha matlab sarpanch jisko kahega, usko vote doge?
Voter-Haan.
[The dialogue shows how financial concerns and local guidance can shape voting choices. A voter says he has not yet made up his mind about whom to vote for. He suggests his decision will depend on who helps cover his expenses. The exchange reflects a mix of cost pressures and local influence shaping his choice.]
Rajkumar, who was standing at IFFCO Chowk and watching voters board a bus to Alipurduar, told the Tehelka reporter that these voters would decide whom to support only after consulting their village pradhan. He said they would follow the pradhan’s guidance, whether it favours PM Modi or Didi, and added that money would ultimately influence their choice.
Rajkumar-Ye saare log jo ja rahe hain ye, unko support karengey jisko pradhan kahega, Pradhan ke maadhyam se phir aagey jakar voting karenge….
Rajkumar (continues) – Modi ki sarkar ho ya didi ki, ab ye log decide karenge kisko zyada milna hai wahan pe.
[The dialogue points to the strong role of local leadership in shaping voting behavior. It also highlights that influence at the village level still plays a strong role in voting pattern. It emerges that grassroots influence can outweigh individual choice in elections.]
Rajkumar further told Tehelka that, due to the SIR process, it has become ‘compulsory’ for voters to cast their vote this time; otherwise, they may have to run from pillar to post in courts to prove their Indian citizenship. The concern, he says, goes beyond voting and touches on identity and background checks. He also links this urgency to wider national issues being discussed. The tone reflects fear mixed with a feeling of obligation.
Rajkumar- Aur aisa anivarya kar diya hai ki jaana bhi zaroori hai matlab.
Reporter- Aisa kya zaroori hai jaana?
Rajkumar- Unhone compulsory kar diya hai ki aana hi hai, jo nahi ayega wo court kacheri ke chakkar kaatey, saabit karta rahe aap kahan they, kaise they, kaise miss ho gaye, background abhi jaachenge, abhi ismein bahut kuch hai, sirf voting hi nahi hai, Abhi kuch Bangladesh ka matter bhi utha tha, usko lekar jo Modi ne decision liya hai wo faydemand hai desh ke liye, bhavishya ke liye.
[In the above dialogue, Rajkumar speaks about a sense of compulsion among voters to return home. He suggests that people believe not travelling could lead to scrutiny and official trouble later. Voting, it seems, is seen as tied to identity concerns.]
Birhang, another voter about to board an AC sleeper bus to Alipurduar, has been living in Noida for the past two years and works in a company. He told Tehelka that he is travelling home to vote due to family pressure linked to the SIR process.
He added that around 80 people from the same constituency living in the Delhi NCR region have pooled money to hire a bus for Rs 2.5 lakh, which works out to about Rs 3,500 per person. With flight tickets too expensive and train tickets unavailable, they opted for the bus journey, which will take around 30–35 hours. Birhang said he hopes voting this time will help him avoid any future problems related to the SIR process.
Amid reports of Bengali voters across India travelling back to West Bengal in large numbers to cast their votes in the Assembly elections, Tehelka visited Gurugram, where migrant Bengali workers—around 90% of them Muslim voters—live across several villages and sectors. Most had already left for West Bengal to vote. Some travelled by train, while others, unable to secure tickets, opted for AC sleeper buses. Workers from Uttar and Dakshin Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad and Nadia form a large part of this migrant population, and it is believed that nearly 90% of them have returned home for the polls.
Many openly told Tehelka that they want the TMC to win. Most voters—both Hindu and Muslim—spoke of a fear surrounding the SIR process. They said voting this time felt necessary, fearing they might otherwise lose their voting rights. Rajiv Chowk, Banjara Market and IFFCO Chowk in Gurugram have emerged as key hubs from where AC sleeper buses are ferrying voters to West Bengal. Of these, Tehelka visited Dadu Bhai Travels at IFFCO Chowk, run by Rajjak Ali alias Raja Bhai, who claims to have sent the highest number of buses so far.
Today, parts of Gurugram with a high concentration of Bengali Muslim migrant workers wear a deserted look. Shops are shut, houses locked, and streets unusually empty. The scale of this movement points to a highly organised and urgent mobilisation, where fear, logistics and political preference appear to be working in tandem.
