A first for The Family: Sonia set to tell her story

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s memoir marks a first for the Nehru-Gandhi family, offering a rare first-person account of its political legacy, before this political diary turns to other stories from the corridors of power.

Magazine column: Political Diary
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When Sonia Gandhi’s memoir hits the shelves in November, it will mark a curious first for India’s most famous political family.  The former Congress president will become the first member of the Nehru-Gandhi family since Independence to publish a memoir in her own voice—despite the dynasty having produced three Prime Ministers.
Jawaharlal Nehru got there first, but well before Independence. His An Autobiography, also published as Toward Freedom, appeared in 1936, eleven years before he became Independent India’s first Prime Minister. Indira Gandhi never wrote a conventional autobiography. Her closest equivalent was My Truth, published in 1980 and based on extensive personal interviews and reflections. The book offered glimpses into her childhood in Allahabad, her relationship with her father, her education and, inevitably, her political worldview. It appeared at a particularly dramatic moment—when she was briefly out of power.

Rajiv Gandhi, too, left no autobiography or memoir of his own. His life has instead been chronicled by family members, colleagues, historians and biographers.  Interestingly, Sonia Gandhi herself provided one of the more intimate windows into Rajiv’s life. In 1992, she compiled and introduced Rajiv’s World: Photographs by Rajiv Gandhi, a collection of his own photographs spanning four decades.

Now Sonia is turning the lens on herself. And that makes her memoir more than another political autobiography. For a family that has spent generations being written about, this time, a Nehru-Gandhi will be writing the story.

J&K pulls off a PMEGP surprise

It may sound unbelievable but it’s true. The state of Jammu & Kashmir is number one in obtaining funds for employment generation projects under the Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Program (PMEGP).

The BJP ruled states like Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra among the 37 States and Union Territories come next in the line when it comes to getting Margin Money (MM) for projects under the PMEGP. And this did not happen for one year! It happened during the past five financial years beginning 2021-22 to 2025-26. The government spends more than Rs 3000 crores every year under the PMEGP to generate employment under projects. The program created around 36.33 lakh estimated employment opportunities during the last five years across the country.

Jammu and Kashmir took the lion’s share under the PMEGP. In 2021-22, J&K was on top with Rs 467 crores. UP got Rs 411 crores, Gujarat Rs 286 crores and Maharashtra received Rs 129 crores. The story remained the same for subsequent three years barring in 2025-26 when UP Rs 303 crores while J&K got Rs 155 crores.

The government has yet to take a decision to continue with the scheme for a further period of five year soon. The funds are released for MM Subsidy for pending sanctioned applications throughout the country for projects to generate employment.

NDA allies quietly put BJP on notice

A new unease appears to be stirring within the NDA, with allies showing signs that they may no longer be content playing second fiddle to the BJP. The latest signal came from NCPI leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay, who urged Prime Minister Narendra Modi to appoint an NDA convenor. The demand has surprised political circles because no such proposal has been publicly made by any of the allies since Modi came to power in 2014. Bandyopadhyay argued that a dedicated coordinator would improve communication and alliance management, particularly when Parliament is not in session.

Significantly, neither the BJP nor major allies such as the TDP and JD(U) has chosen to comment. The NCPI, which has 20 Lok Sabha MPs who came from the TMC, is increasingly being seen as part of a wider bloc of allies seeking a greater say. The signs are visible elsewhere too. The JD(U) has begun drawing its own red lines in Bihar. Its objection to the Samrat Chaudhary government’s decision to turn more than 550 schools into model institutions, rename them Saraswati Vidya Niketan and paint them saffron, was carefully worded but unmistakable. “Education has only one colour,” JD(U) spokesperson Neeraj Kumar said, signaling discomfort with the politicization of education.

The TDP’s Chandrababu Naidu, meanwhile, remains the quintessential back-seat operator—quietly negotiating and getting results. It was due to BJP’s allies that the FCRA Bill was sent to a Joint Parliamentary Committee. Individually, these may look like routine alliance politics. Collectively, they suggest something bigger: NDA allies are beginning to assert themselves—and the BJP is being quietly put on notice.

Wait, BJP’s big shake-up is still loading

Fifty-one of the 65 faces in BJP president Nitin Nabin’s new organisational team are newcomers. Months of political churn, consultations and calculations have finally produced the much-awaited team. Yet, political watchers are struggling to decide whether it is a grand makeover or simply “choo-choo ka murabba”—a curious hodgepodge of mismatched ingredients thrown into one bowl.

Beyond the rehabilitation of Smriti Irani and Ram Madhav and Vindo Tawde’s big promotion, there is little that can be described as a political earthquake. The real reshuffle, insiders insist, is still waiting in the wings. The biggest giveaway? Several ministers who were expected to move from the government to the organisation have stayed put. In other words, the organisational surgery is far from complete.

And then there is the government. Ministers—and political birds perched hopefully on the power tree—have been waiting for months for the second act. The Cabinet reshuffle, whenever it comes, could be far more dramatic. At least two dozen ministers are believed to be vulnerable to either the axe or a portfolio swap. Some prominent leaders who missed Nabin’s organisational bus could get a ministerial berth instead.

The urgency is obvious. Several ministers are already juggling three portfolios, making the government look less like a well-oiled machine and more like a one-man-three-ministry circus. So, what has just happened? Perhaps nothing more than Part One of the BJP shake-up. Part Two is still loading. It may have gone for a six for now. 

Tawde, the comeback man, faces big UP test

After years in the political wilderness following his exit from Maharashtra state politics in 2019, Vinod Tawde has staged a remarkable comeback. The prominent OBC leader is no longer a peripheral figure in the BJP’s power structure; he is increasingly being treated as a frontline troubleshooter.

Tawde was a BJP general secretary and had handled Bihar as well. Yet, much of the credit for the 2025 Bihar Assembly victory went to then Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, who was the state election in-charge. Now, Tawde has been handed the BJP’s most politically consequential assignment: Uttar Pradesh.

His elevation is revealing. Tawde figures at the top of the BJP’s eight general secretaries in the organisational pecking order, with Smriti Irani placed fourth. Party insiders say the high command specifically asked Tawde whether he preferred to serve the organisation or join the government. He chose the party—and was rewarded with the UP assignment, widely regarded as the BJP’s political Waterloo in 2027 Assembly polls.

The stakes could hardly be higher. The “Chanda Chori” controversy surrounding the Ayodhya Ram temple and the emergence of Gen-G in the form of the CJP have added to the BJP’s anxieties. The BJP won a staggering 312 of 403 seats in 2017, but slipped to 255 in 2022. Tawde’s mandate is blunt: stop the slide and deliver a stronger tally in 2027.

Fadnavis draws the line at Mumbai

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or its led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) is in power in 17 states and 1 union territory across India including some of big states like UP, MP, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Assam and Bihar. But No chief Minister dare ever say that “I will stay in my state and not move anywhere.” Even UP’s Yogi Adityanath has not ever said it.

However, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is unique. He publicly claimed the other day that “I  will stay in Maharashtra.”  After the announcement of BJP President Nitin Naveen’s team, the entire country’s attention is now on the expansion of the Union Cabinet. Discussions have been going on for the past several weeks that the cabinet will be expanded after the BJP executive.

But Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has also been visiting delhi frequently.  This gave birth to speculation whether Fadnavis will come over to Delhi. But he denied it. And said, “The people of Maharashtra have elected me and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has entrusted me with the responsibility of the state. Therefore, I will stay in Mumbai.” The Chief Minister further said that even if I am in Delhi, there are discussions and when I am in Mumbai, there are discussions. Therefore, let those who want to speak may speak what they want. Many people think that I should go to Delhi. However, I want to tell them that I will stay in Mumbai.”  A daring statement indeed given the culture of the BJP.